第一篇：2013年9月10日晚美国总统奥巴马关于叙利亚问题的全国电视讲话全文(白宫英文版)
Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Syria THE PRESIDENT: My fellow Americans, tonight I want to talk to you about Syria--why it matters, and where we go from here.Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal civil war.Over 100,000 people have been killed.Millions have fled the country.In that time, America has worked with allies to provide humanitarian support, to help the moderate opposition, and to shape a political settlement.But I have resisted calls for military action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st, when Assad’s government gassed to death over a thousand people, including hundreds of children.The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women, children lying in rows, killed by poison gas.Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath.A father clutching his dead children, imploring them to get up and walk.On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail the terrible nature of chemical weapons, and why the overwhelming majority of humanity has declared them off-limits--a crime against humanity, and a violation of the laws of war.This was not always the case.In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe.In World War II, the Nazis used gas to inflict the horror of the Holocaust.Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale, with no distinction between soldier and infant, the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them.And in 1997, the United States Senate overwhelmingly approved an international agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, now joined by 189 governments that represent 98 percent of humanity.On August 21st, these basic rules were violated, along with our sense of common humanity.No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria.The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures, and social media accounts from the attack, and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible.In the days leading up to August 21st, we know that Assad’s chemical weapons personnel prepared for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas.They distributed gasmasks to their troops.Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area into 11 neighborhoods that the regime has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces.Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread, and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded.We know senior figures in Assad’s military machine reviewed the results of the attack, and the regime increased their shelling of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed.We’ve also studied samples of blood and hair from people at the site that tested positive for sarin.When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory.But these things happened.The facts cannot be denied.The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it.Because what happened to those people--to those children--is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security.Let me explain why.If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason to stop using chemical weapons.As the ban against these weapons erodes, other tyrants will have no reason to think twice about acquiring poison gas, and using them.Over time, our troops would again face the prospect of chemical warfare on the battlefield.And it could be easier for terrorist organizations to obtain these weapons, and to use them to attack civilians.If fighting spills beyond Syria’s borders, these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey, Jordan, and Israel.And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons would weaken prohibitions against other weapons of mass destruction, and embolden Assad’s ally, Iran--which must decide whether to ignore international law by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path.This is not a world we should accept.This is what’s at stake.And that is why, after careful deliberation, I determined that it is in the national security interests of the United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using chemical weapons, to degrade his regime’s ability to use them, and to make clear to the world that we will not tolerate their use.That's my judgment as Commander-in-Chief.But I’m also the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy.So even though I possess the authority to order military strikes, I believed it was right, in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security, to take this debate to Congress.I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of Congress.And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad when we stand together.This is especially true after a decade that put more and more war-making power in the hands of the President, and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops, while sidelining the people’s representatives from the critical decisions about when we use force.Now, I know that after the terrible toll of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action, no matter how limited, is not going to be popular.After all, I've spent four and a half years working to end wars, not to start them.Our troops are out of Iraq.Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan.And I know Americans want all of us in Washington--especially me--to concentrate on the task of building our nation here at home: putting people back to work, educating our kids, growing our middle class.It’s no wonder, then, that you're asking hard questions.So let me answer some of the most important questions that I've heard from members of Congress, and that I've read in letters that you've sent to me.First, many of you have asked, won’t this put us on a slippery slope to another war? One man wrote to me that we are “still recovering from our involvement in Iraq.”
A veteran put it more bluntly: “This nation is sick and tired of war.”
My answer is simple: I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria.I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan.I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign like Libya or Kosovo.This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective: deterring the use of chemical weapons, and degrading Assad’s capabilities.Others have asked whether it's worth acting if we don’t take out Assad.As some members of Congress have said, there’s no point in simply doing a “pinprick” strike in Syria.Let me make something clear: The United States military doesn’t do pinpricks.Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad that no other nation can deliver.I don't think we should remove another dictator with force--we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible for all that comes next.But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator, think twice before using chemical weapons.Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation.We don’t dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not have the ability to seriously threaten our military.Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats that we face every day.Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation that would lead to his demise.And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force, as well as the unshakeable support of the United States of America.Many of you have asked a broader question: Why should we get involved at all in a place that's so complicated, and where--as one person wrote to me--“those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?”
It’s true that some of Assad’s opponents are extremists.But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent innocent civilians from being gassed to death.The majority of the Syrian people--and the Syrian opposition we work with--just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom.And the day after any military action, we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution that strengthens those who reject the forces of tyranny and extremism.Finally, many of you have asked: Why not leave this to other countries, or seek solutions short of force? As several people wrote to me, “We should not be the world’s policeman.”
I agree, and I have a deeply held preference for peaceful solutions.Over the last two years, my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions, warning and negotiations--but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.However, over the last few days, we’ve seen some encouraging signs.In part because of the credible threat of U.S.military action, as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin, the Russian government has indicated a willingness to join with the international community in pushing Assad to give up his chemical weapons.The Assad regime has now admitted that it has these weapons, and even said they’d join the Chemical Weapons Convention, which prohibits their use.It’s too early to tell whether this offer will succeed, and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime keeps its commitments.But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat of chemical
weapons without the use of force, particularly because Russia is one of Assad’s strongest allies.I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force while we pursue this diplomatic path.I’m sending Secretary of State John Kerry to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday, and I will continue my own discussions with President Putin.I’ve spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies, France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together in consultation with Russia and China to put forward a resolution at the U.N.Security Council requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons, and to ultimately destroy them under international control.We’ll also give U.N.inspectors the opportunity to report their findings about what happened on August 21st.And we will continue to rally support from allies from Europe to the Americas--from Asia to the Middle East--who agree on the need for action.Meanwhile, I’ve ordered our military to maintain their current posture to keep the pressure on Assad, and to be in a position to respond if diplomacy fails.And tonight, I give thanks again to our military and their families for their incredible strength and sacrifices.My fellow Americans, for nearly seven decades, the United States has been the anchor of global security.This has meant doing more than forging international agreements--it has meant enforcing them.The burdens of leadership are often heavy, but the world is a better place because we have borne them.And so, to my friends on the right, I ask you to reconcile your commitment to America’s military might with a failure to act when a cause is so plainly just.To my friends on the left, I ask you to reconcile your belief in freedom and dignity for all people with those images of children writhing in pain, and going still on a cold hospital floor.For sometimes resolutions and statements of condemnation are simply not enough.Indeed, I’d ask every member of Congress, and those of you watching at home tonight, to view those videos of the attack, and then ask: What kind of world will we live in if the United States of America sees a dictator brazenly violate international law with poison gas, and we choose to look the other way? Franklin Roosevelt once said, “Our national determination to keep free of foreign wars and foreign entanglements cannot prevent us from feeling deep concern when ideals and principles that we have cherished are challenged.”
Our ideals and principles, as well as our national security, are at stake in Syria, along with our leadership of a world where we seek to ensure that the worst weapons will never be used.America is not the world’s policeman.Terrible things happen across the globe, and it is beyond our means to right every wrong.But when, with modest effort and risk, we can stop children from being gassed to death, and thereby make our own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act.That’s what makes America different.That’s what makes us exceptional.With humility, but with resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth.Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.
第二篇：奥巴马9月10日电视讲话
奥巴马9月10日电视讲话
大耳朵英语
http://www.xiexiebang.com
2011-09-10 22:15:02
【打印】
WEEKLY ADDRESS: Remembering September 11th
President Barack Obama Weekly Address The White House Saturday September 10, 2011
This weekend, we’re coming together, as one nation, to mark the 10th anniversary of the September 11th attacks.We’re remembering the lives we lost—nearly 3,000 innocent men, women and children.We’re reaffirming our commitment to always keep faith with their families.We’re honoring the heroism of first responders who risked their lives—and gave their lives—to save others.And we’re giving thanks to all who serve on our behalf, especially our troops and military families—our extraordinary 9/11 Generation.At the same time, even as we reflect on a difficult decade, we must look forward, to the future we will build together.That includes staying strong and confident in the face of any threat.And thanks to the tireless efforts of our military personnel and our intelligence, law enforcement and homeland security professionals—there should be no doubt.Today, America is stronger and al Qaeda is on the path to defeat.We’ve taken the fight to al Qaeda like never before.Over the past two and a half years, more senior al Qaeda leaders have been eliminated than at any time since 9/11.And thanks to the remarkable courage and precision of our forces, we finally delivered justice to Osama bin Laden.We’ve strengthened the partnerships and tools we need to prevail in this war against al Qaeda—working closer with allies and partners;reforming intelligence to better detect and disrupt plots;investing in our Special Forces so terrorists have no safe haven.We’re constantly working to improve the security of our homeland as well—at our airports, ports and borders;enhancing aviation security and screening;increasing support for our first responders;and working closer than ever with states, cities and communities.A decade after 9/11, it’s clear for all the world to see—the terrorists who attacked us that September morning are no match for the character of our people, the resilience of our nation, or the endurance of our values.They wanted to terrorize us, but, as Americans, we refuse to live in fear.Yes we face a determined foe, and make no mistake—they will keep trying to hit us again.But as we are showing again this weekend, we remain vigilant.We’re doing everything in our power to protect our people.And no matter what comes our way, as a resilient nation, we will carry on.They wanted to draw us in to endless wars, sapping our strength and confidence as a nation.But even as we put relentless pressure on al Qaeda, we’re ending the war in Iraq and beginning to bring our troops home from Afghanistan.Because after a hard decade of war, it is time for nation building here at home.They wanted to deprive us of the unity that defines us as a people.But we will not succumb to division or suspicion.We are Americans, and we are stronger and safer when we stay true to the values, freedoms and diversity that make us unique among nations.And they wanted to undermine our place in the world.But a decade later, we’ve shown that America doesn’t hunker down and hide behind walls of mistrust.We’ve forged new partnerships with nations around the world to meet the global challenges that no nation can face alone.And across the Middle East and North Africa a new generation of citizens is showing that the future belongs to those that want to build, not destroy.Ten years ago, ordinary Americans showed us the true meaning of courage when they rushed up those stairwells, into those flames, into that cockpit.In the decade since, a new generation has stepped forward to serve and keep us safe.In their memory, in their name, we will never waver.We will protect the country we love and pass it safer, stronger and more prosperous to the next generation.
第三篇：北京时间2013年9月11日上午美国总统奥巴马关于叙利亚问题的全国电视讲话全文(中文版)
奥巴马讲话全文：寻政治解决但保持对叙军事施压
我的美国同胞们，今晚我想和你们谈论叙利亚问题，说说为什么该问题如此重要，而我们又应该如何应对。
在过去两年中，一系列针对阿萨德政权的和平抗议活动开启了叙利亚乱局，但后来却演变成一场残酷的内战，并造成超过10万人遇难，同时出现数百万难民。在那段时间，美国和其盟国在向叙利亚提供人道主义援助，以帮助温和的反对派，以期达成政治和解，而我也拒绝使用武力，因为我们不能通过武力手段去解决他国的内战，特别是在经历了伊拉克和阿富汗战争之后。
2013年8月21日，事情发生了重大变化，因为阿萨德政府使用化学武器造成至少1000人死亡，还包括数百名儿童。屠杀的场景让人恶心：被毒气杀死的男性、女性以及幼儿成排而倒，另有人口吐白沫奋力呼吸，还有一位父亲抱住他怀中死去的孩子们，恳求他们活过来。
在那个恐怖的夜晚，全世界都已经看到了化学武器可怕的面孔，而这也是为什么阿萨德政权践踏人权之举踩入了禁区，犯下了反人类罪、战争罪。
一战期间，包括美国士兵在内的数千人在欧洲战线上被毒气杀死。在二战期间，纳粹用毒气制造了恐怖的屠杀。化学武器可以制造大规模杀死，而且不管被攻击者是士兵还是无辜之人。文明世界已经花费了一个世纪的时间来禁止化武。1997年，美国参院压倒性地通过了禁止使用化武的国际协定，现在已经有189个国家加入了该协定。
今年8月21日，最基本的原则、人性都遭到了挑战。无人质疑叙利亚境内使用过化学武器。数千份的影像、图片都记录下了攻击时的惨状，同时人权组织也向世人描述了医院中遭到毒气攻击的受害者症状。
同时，我们也知道是阿萨德政府所为。8月21日之前，阿萨德的化学武器部队为准备攻击混兑了沙林毒气，并分发了防毒面具。然后，该部队向附近11个反对派集中地点发射了火箭弹。随着，火箭弹攻击到位，毒气随之扩散，造成大量人员伤亡。
我们知道，阿萨德政府的高级官员对此次攻击进行评估后，继续在这11个地区集中火力强攻。我们检测了事发地遗留的血迹和头发之后，得出的结论指向了“沙林毒气”。
当独裁者实施了暴行，他们仅指望世界将在他日会将事情慢慢淡忘，但是事情已然发生过，事实便不容辩驳。
现在所面临的问题则是美国和国际社会将如何处理此事，因为对于受害的人民来说，这不仅是违背了国际法，同时也是为我们安全的威胁。其中原因就是，如果我们无所作为，阿萨德政府便不会停止使用化学武器。
如果化武禁令不起作用，其他的暴政也会心生使用化武的想法，那么我们的部队还将再次面对化武的威胁，同时恐怖分子也会对化武心生觊觎之心，并用它们攻击平民。
如果战斗在叙利亚边境打响，化武还可能对我们的盟友土耳其、以色列、约旦造成威胁。
如果未能坚决反对使用化学武器的行为，针对其他大规模杀伤性武器的禁令效果也将被削弱，同时还会助长阿萨德的盟友——伊朗的“核野心”。伊朗必须做出决定，是选择无视国际法建造核武器，还是选择走一条和平的道路。
这不是我们应该接受的世界。这就是我们所面临的危急关头。这就是为什么，在我经过深思熟虑后，决定为了美国的安全利益必须对叙利亚化武事件作出回应、进行军事干预的原因。军事打击的目的是为了阻止叙总统阿萨德为维系其统治而使用化学武器，我们需要让世界明白，这一方法是不可容忍的。这就是我作为三军统帅的判断。
然而，作为世界上最古老的宪政民主国家的总统，尽管我拥有下令进行军事打击的权利，但在美国安全没有遭到直接急迫的威胁下，我愿将这一做法提交至国会辩论。我相信，当总统的决定受到国会支持，美式民主会更强大。我相信，当我们团结一致，美国在海外的行动会更有成效。
尤其在近十年来，美国总统拥有更多的战争发动权、军队的重担越来越大，在何时动用武力的关键决策上，却置民意于不顾。
现如今，我明白伊拉克和阿富汗战争阴影犹存，无论军事行动规模如何被限制，都不受欢迎。无论如何，我已花了4年半事件结束战争，而不是开动战争。我们的部队已从伊拉克撤回，并即将从阿富汗回家。我明白，美国民众希望我们所有人都能将重心放在国家建设上，让人们回乡工作，教育子女，发展中产阶级，我更是如此认为。毫无疑问，你们问的是极难回答的问题，现在让我来对其中一些重要问题作答。这些问题，我从国会议员口中听说，也从你们给我的信件中读到。
首先，不少人问：这一行动是否会让美国滑入另一个战争深渊？有人写信告诉我，我们在伊拉克仍无法脱身；一名老兵则更直白地说：这国家厌倦了战争。
我的回答很简单：我不会让美国的脚踏入叙利亚的国土。我不会追求如伊拉克或阿富汗的开放式行动。我也不会采取类似利比亚或科索沃的长期空中打击。这次军事行动目标明确，即阻止阿萨德政权使用化学武器，并打击这一能力。
还有人问，如果我们不寻求阿萨德下台，那这样做是否有必要。一些国会议员说，仅对叙利亚采取“针刺式打击”是否有效。
让我们搞清楚这点：美国军方不会采取“针刺式”行动。每次有限的打击都在向阿萨德传递信息，而其他国家无法做到这些。我认为我们无法仅凭武力就将独裁者拉下台，我们从伊拉克战争中学到了这点，而这将令我们为今后所有发生的事情负责。但对叙利亚进行有目的的打击，将让任何独裁者在使用化学武器时三思而后行。
其他问题涉及遭到报复的危险。我们不会排除任何威胁，但阿萨德政权没有能力对我军构成严重威胁。他们或许会寻求其他方式的复仇，但这是我们每天都在面对的威胁。无论阿萨德还是他的盟友都不会有兴趣加速自己的灭亡。同时，我们的盟友以色列也能保卫自身，也会不加动摇地支持美国。
很多人还有一个更宽泛的疑问：为什么我们要卷入如此复杂的地区形势？就如同一个人写信讯问，阿萨德和那些追随他的人是否是人权的敌人？对此我想说，部分阿萨德的对手是极端分子。如果人们对阻止平民在毒气中受害无动于衷，“基地”组织就将从混乱的叙利亚局势中壮大力量。与我们合作的大部分叙利亚人民和反对派仅仅希望有尊严、有自由地生活在和平之中，在任何军事行动过后，我们将加倍努力实现一个政治解决方案，为那些拒绝暴政和极端主义的人们壮大声势。
最后，还有很多人问道，为什么不将这一行动留给其他国家去做？为何不寻找除武力之外的解决方法？
你们中的不少人也说，美国不要做“世界警察”。我同意。我其实强烈偏向于和平解决。在过去两年中美国政府尝试了外交手段和制裁措施，发出了警告，也寻求谈判磋商。但是，阿萨德政权仍在使用化学武器。
不过，由于美国有效的军事威胁和我与俄罗斯总统普京进行的有建设性的对话，我们看到，在过去几天里，出现了一些积极信号。俄罗斯政府展现了意愿，愿加入国际社会推促阿萨德放弃化学武器。阿萨德政权现在已经承认拥有这些武器，甚至说他们愿加入禁止化学武器公约。
这样的提议是否能成功施行，现在来说还为时过早。无论是何种协议，阿萨德政权都必须证明他们能信守承诺。但此提议或可实现在不动用武力的情况下，消除化学武器威胁，尤其在俄罗斯是阿萨德政权最强有力盟友之一的情况下。
由此，在我们推进外交斡旋的同时，我恳请美国国会的领袖们推迟授权动武的投票。我派出国务卿约翰·克里，他将于本周四(9月12日)与俄罗斯外交人员会晤。我也会继续与普京总统磋商。我已经与我们最亲密的两个盟友国——法国和英国的领导人进行了谈话。我们也将与俄罗斯、中国磋商，共同推动联合国安理会通过决议，要求阿萨德政权放弃化武，并最终在国际社会监督下销毁这些化武。
我们也将给予联合国对叙化武调查人员一个机会，让他们将对叙利亚8月21日所发生事件的调查结果公布于世。而且，我们将继续在世界范围内寻求盟友，从欧洲到美洲，从亚洲到中东，寻求那些同意有必要采取行动的盟友的支持。
另一方面，我已下令美国军队保持当前对阿萨德政权施压的状态，如果外交途径失败，那么美军将立即作出反应。今晚，我对我们的军队及军属再次致谢，感谢他们强大的力量和牺牲。
我的美国同胞们，在过去的近七十年里，美国一直是全球安全的靠山。这意味着，美国不仅是在缔造国际协议，还要施行协议。作为领袖，担子通常很重，但在我们的努力下，相信世界会更好。由此，我请求右派的朋友们多加考量，当行动依据充足且正当时，却不作为，这与美国军事力量的承诺不相符。
左派的朋友们，在面对那些冰冷的医院地板上，儿童们因痛苦而翻滚，然后逐渐停止的景象时，我请求你们能将人类自由和尊严的信念与之衡量。因为有些时候，光有决议和谴责声明是不够的。
确实，我请求国会每一位成员以及今晚在家观看电视讲话的人们，看看化武袭击的视频吧，试问：如果美国目睹一位独裁者肆无忌惮地违反国际法使用毒气，却选择视而不见，那么我们将生活在一个怎样的世界里？(美国前总统)富兰克林·罗斯福曾经说过，我们决心置身于别国战争之外，然而当我们所珍视的理念和准则面临挑战时，并不能阻止我们深切关注。
我们的理念和准则，我们的国家安全，以及我们对世界的领导权，我们孜孜以求可怕的武器永不被使用的努力，在叙利亚正岌岌可危。美国不是“世界警察”。世界各地发生了可怕的事情，但我们无法在每一处伸张正义。但是，通过适当努力和冒着一定风险，我们可以让孩子们不再被毒气毒死，从长久来看，未来我们自己的孩子也能更安全。我认为，我们应该采取行动。那将让美国与众不同。
让我们抱着谨慎的态度，但同时怀着坚定的决心，让我们永不忘却这一重要事实。
谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿天佑美国。(完)
第四篇：奥巴马对叙利亚白宫讲话(中英全文)
Remarks by the President in Address to the Nation on Syria
奥巴马总统就叙利亚问题向全国发表讲话
East Room, Washington, D.C.东厅，华盛顿哥伦比亚特区
September 10, 2012013年9月10日
My fellow Americans, tonight I want to talk to you about Syria--why it matters, and where we go from here.我的美国同胞们，今晚我想对你们谈谈叙利亚问题--为什么此事很重要，从现在开始我们将做些什么。
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal civil war.Over 100,000 people have been killed.Millions have fled the country.In that time, America has worked with allies to provide humanitarian support, to help the moderate opposition, and to shape a political settlement.But I have resisted calls for military action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.过去两年来，最初为反对巴沙尔阿萨德专制政权举行的一系列和平示威演变成一场残酷的内战。有100,000多人被杀害。数百万人逃离这个国家。在此期间，美国与各盟国一起提供人道主义援助，帮助温和的反对派，并努力促成政治解决。但是我拒绝了关于采取军事行动的要求，因为我们无法通过武力解决别国的内战问题，特别是在伊拉克和阿富汗经过了10年战争之后。
The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st, when Assad’s government gassed to death over a thousand people, including hundreds of children.The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women, children lying in rows, killed by poison gas.Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath.A father clutching his dead children, imploring them to get up and walk.On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail the terrible nature of chemical weapons, and why the overwhelming majority of humanity has declared them off-limits--a crime against humanity, and a violation of the laws of war.8月21日，局势出现了巨大的变化。当时，阿萨德政府使用毒气杀害了一千多民众，其中包括数百名儿童。这场大屠杀的情景令人惨不忍睹：男子、妇女、儿童横尸遍地，都是因为中毒身亡。另一些人口吐白沫，呼吸窒息。一位父亲搂着死去的孩子们，还在哀求他们站起来走走。在那个可怕的夜晚，全世界通过惨绝人寰的详尽画面亲眼目睹化学武器的恐怖性质。这也说明为什么人类绝大多数宣布禁止使用这类武器——使用这类武器属于反人类的罪行，也违反了战争法。
This was not always the case.In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe.In World War II, the Nazis used gas to inflict the horror of the Holocaust.Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale, with no distinction between soldier and infant, the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them.And in 1997, the United States Senate overwhelmingly approved an international agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, now joined by 189 governments that represent 98 percent of humanity.事情往往没有那么简单。在第一次世界大战期间，数以千万计的人在欧洲的战壕中被致命的毒气杀害，美国士兵也在其中。在第二次世界大战期间，纳粹使用毒气制造了大屠杀的惨剧。由于这类武器可以大规模杀人害命，不论他们是士兵还是婴儿，文明世界花了一个世纪的时间努力禁止这类武器。1997年，美国参议院以压倒多数批准禁止使用化学武器的国际公约，现已有代表全人类98%的189个政府参加这项国际公约。
On August 21st, these basic rules were violated, along with our sense of common humanity.No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria.The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures, and social media accounts from the attack, and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.8月21日，这些基本准则受到破坏，我们关于共同人性的信念被践踏。对于化学武器在叙利亚已经被使用一事，已没有人提出质疑。全世界从数千份视频、手机摄像和社会媒体条目上都看到这次袭击事件的情景。人道主义组织也提供了有关报道，指出一些医院人满为患，患者出现毒气中毒的症状。
Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible.In the days leading up to August 21st, we know that Assad’s chemical weapons personnel prepared for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas.They distributed gasmasks to their troops.Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area into 11 neighborhoods that the regime has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces.Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread, and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded.We know senior figures in Assad’s military machine reviewed the results of the attack, and the regime increased their shelling of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed.We’ve also studied samples of blood and hair from people at the site that tested positive for sarin.此外，我们知道阿萨德政权应为此负责。在8月21日前的几天，我们知道阿萨德的化学武器人员为了准备发动袭击，在邻近地区配制沙林毒气。他们向自己的军队发放了防毒面具。然后他们从该政权控制的地区向附近的11个小区发射火箭，该政权正企图在这些地区清除反对派武装。火箭落地后不久，毒气就开始蔓延，医院里到处都是死伤的人员。我们知道阿萨德军事机器的高级要员察看了袭击的结果，此后几天该政权加强了对这些小区进行炮击的火力。我们还检验了从现场人员身上取得的血液和毛发样品，结果发现呈沙林阳性。When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory.But these things happened.The facts cannot be denied.The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it.Because what happened to those people--to those children--is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security.当独裁者采取罪恶行动时，他们期待全世界对此不闻不问，直到这些惨无人道的景象从记忆中渐渐消失。但这些情况千真万确。事实不可否认。现在的问题是，美利坚合众国和国际社会准备对此采取什么行动。因为这些民众—这些儿童—的遭遇不仅仅涉及违反国际法的行为，而且也对我国安全造成威胁。
Let me explain why.If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason to stop using chemical weapons.As the ban against these weapons erodes, other tyrants will have no reason to think twice about acquiring poison gas, and using them.Over time, our troops would again face the prospect of chemical warfare on the battlefield.And it could be easier for terrorist organizations to obtain these weapons, and to use them to attack civilians.请让我说明这是为什么。如果我们不采取行动，阿萨德政权就会认为没有理由停止使用化学武器。一旦禁止使用这类武器的禁令受到侵蚀，其他专制暴君也会毫不犹豫地获得毒气并投入使用。长此以往，我国军队在战场上将再次面临化学战的局面。恐怖主义组织也更容易获得这类武器并使用这些武器袭击平民。
If fighting spills beyond Syria’s borders, these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey, Jordan, and Israel.And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons would weaken prohibitions against other weapons of mass destruction, and embolden Assad’s ally, Iran--which must decide whether to ignore international law by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path.如果战火蔓延到叙利亚边境之外，这些武器会对土耳其、约旦和以色列等盟国造成威胁。如果不制止使用化学武器的行为，对其他大规模毁灭性武器的禁令也会被削弱，使阿萨德的盟国伊朗更胆大妄为--伊朗必须作出抉择，是以制造核武器对抗国际法，还是走上更和平的道路。
This is not a world we should accept.This is what’s at stake.And that is why, after careful deliberation, I determined that it is in the national security interests of the United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using chemical weapons, to degrade his regime’s ability to use them, and to make clear to the world that we will not tolerate their use.这不是我们应接受的世界。这是利害攸关所在。正因为如此，在经过审慎研究后，我断定，以有针对性的军事打击回应阿萨德政权动用化学武器的行径符合美国国家安全利益。打击是为了制止阿萨德使用化学武器，削弱该政权使用化学武器的能力，并向世界表明，我们决不容使用化学武器。
That’s my judgment as Commander-in-Chief.But I’m also the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy.So even though I possess the authority to order military strikes, I believed it was right, in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security, to take this debate to Congress.I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of Congress.And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad when we stand together.这是我作为全军统帅的判断。然而我也是世界最悠久的宪政民主国家的总统。因此，虽然我有权下令进行军事打击，但我认为，在我们的安全没有受到直接和紧迫威胁的情况下，应该将此提交国会辩论。我认为，总统的行动得到国会支持会使我们的民主制更有力。我认为，我们的团结一致会使美国能够更有效地在海外展开行动。
This is especially true after a decade that put more and more war-making power in the hands of the President, and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops, while sidelining the people’s representatives from the critical decisions about when we use force.由于十年来总统的战争决定权越来越大，我们军队的负担越来越多，而在事关我们何时动武的重大决定中人民代表作用旁落，这一点尤其如此。
Now, I know that after the terrible toll of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action, no matter how limited, is not going to be popular.After all, I’ve spent four and a half years working to end wars, not to start them.Our troops are out of Iraq.Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan.And I know Americans want all of us in Washington--especially me--to concentrate on the task of building our nation here at home: putting people back to work, educating our kids, growing our middle class.我知道，在付出伊拉克和阿富汗的沉重代价后，任何有关军事行动的设想，无论多么有限，都不会受欢迎。毕竟，我已经用了四年半的时间努力结束战争，而不是开始战争。我们的军队现在已经撤出伊拉克。我们的军队正在从阿富汗返回家园。而且我知道，美国人民希望我们在华盛顿的所有人——特别是我——集中精力进行国内建设：让人们重返工作岗位，让我们的孩子受教育，壮大我们的中产阶层。
It’s no wonder, then, that you’re asking hard questions.So let me answer some of the most important questions that I’ve heard from members of Congress, and that I’ve read in letters that you’ve sent to me.所以，毫不奇怪，你们提出了尖锐的问题。那么就让我来回答一些我从国会议员那里听到和从你们给我的来信中读到的最重要的问题。
First, many of you have asked, won’t this put us on a slippery slope to another war? One man wrote to me that we are “still recovering from our involvement in Iraq.” A veteran put it more bluntly: “This nation is sick and tired of war.”
首先，你们许多人问，这样做不是将导致我们跌入另一场战争吗？一位给我来信的人写道，我们“还在从对伊拉克的介入的恢复中”。一位退伍军人更直截了当地写道：“这个国家厌倦战争。”
My answer is simple: I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria.I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan.I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign like Libya or Kosovo.This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective: deterring the use of chemical weapons, and degrading Assad’s capabilities.我的回答简单明了：我不会向叙利亚派遣美国地面军队。我不会开展像在伊拉克或阿富汗的那种无限期行动。我不会进行像在利比亚或科索沃那样的长期空中行动。这将是为达到一个明确目标而进行的有针对性的打击：防止使用化学武器，削弱阿萨德的能力。
Others have asked whether it’s worth acting if we don’t take out Assad.As some members of Congress have said, there’s no point in simply doing a “pinprick” strike in Syria.还有些人质疑，如果我们不推翻阿萨德，这种行动是否值得。正像一些国会成员所说，对叙利亚给予“轻扎”的一击毫无意义。
Let me make something clear: The United States military doesn’t do pinpricks.Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad that no other nation can deliver.I don’t think we should remove another dictator with force--we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible for all that comes next.But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator, think twice before using chemical weapons.请让我明确一点：美国军队不作轻扎之举。即使是有限打击也将对阿萨德传递任何其他国家都无法传递的信息。我不认为我们应该用武力再去推翻一个独裁者——我们从伊拉克懂得，这样做意味着我们要承担随后的所有一切。但是，有限的打击能够让阿萨德，或任何其他独裁者，在动用化学武器前三思。
Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation.We don’t dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not have the ability to seriously threaten our military.Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats that we face every day.Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation that would lead to his demise.And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force, as well as the unshakeable support of the United States of America.其他一些提问涉及报复的危险。我们不排除任何威胁，但是阿萨德政权没有能力对我们的军队构成严重威胁。他们有可能图谋的任何报复手段与我们每天面临的威胁并无两样。阿萨德和他的同伙都不会希望加剧导致自身灭亡。我们的盟友以色列能够依靠其压倒性的军事力量和美利坚合众国坚定不移的支持实现自卫。
Many of you have asked a broader question: Why should we get involved at all in a place that’s so complicated, and where--as one person wrote to me--“those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?”
你们许多人提出了一个更宏观的问题：我们到底为什么要介入一个如此复杂的地方，在那里——就像一位人士写给我的——“接替阿萨德的人也许与人权为敌？”
It’s true that some of Assad’s opponents are extremists.But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent innocent civilians from being gassed to death.The majority of the Syrian people--and the Syrian opposition we work with--just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom.And the day after any military action, we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution that strengthens those who reject the forces of tyranny and extremism.确实，在阿萨德的反对派中有些是极端主义分子。但是，如果人们看到世界对防止无辜平民遭毒气杀害无动于衷，那只会使“基地”组织（al Qaeda）在变得更加混乱的叙利亚得势。大多数叙利亚人——以及我们与之合作的叙利亚反对派——仅希望过和平、有尊严和自由的生活。在任何军事行动过后，我们都将加倍努力实现政治解决，增强那些抵制暴政与极端主义的力量。
Finally, many of you have asked: Why not leave this to other countries, or seek solutions short of force? As several people wrote to me, “We should not be the world’s policeman.”
最后，你们很多人都问道：为什么不把这个问题留给其他国家，为什么不寻求不使用武力的解决方式？有些人致信给我时写道：“我们不应充当世界警察。”
I agree, and I have a deeply held preference for peaceful solutions.Over the last two years, my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions, warning and negotiations--but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.我对此表示赞同，而且我深信应优先考虑和平解决。两年来，本届政府采用过外交方式、实施过制裁、发出过警告并进行过谈判——但阿萨德政权却依然使用了化学武器。
However, over the last few days, we’ve seen some encouraging signs.In part because of the credible threat of U.S.military action, as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin, the Russian government has indicated a willingness to join with the international community in pushing Assad to give up his chemical weapons.The Assad regime has now admitted that it has these weapons, and even said they’d join the Chemical Weapons Convention, which prohibits their use.不过，我们在最近几天看到了一些积极迹象。在一定程度上由于美国要采取军事行动的有力威慑，以及我与普京总统进行的建设性会谈，俄罗斯政府已表示愿意加入国际社会的行列，迫使阿萨德放弃其化学武器。阿萨德政权现已承认拥有这类武器，甚至表示要加入禁止使用这类武器的《禁止化学武器公约》。
It’s too early to tell whether this offer will succeed, and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime keeps its commitments.But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat of chemical weapons without the use of force, particularly because Russia is one of Assad’s strongest allies.确定这个方案是否可行现在还为时过早，而且任何一项协议都必须核实阿萨德政权遵守承诺的情况。但这项提案有可能在不使用武力的情况下消除化学武器的威胁，尤其是因为俄罗斯是阿萨德最牢靠的盟友之一。
I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force while we pursue this diplomatic path.I’m sending Secretary of State John Kerry to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday, and I will continue my own discussions with President Putin.I’ve spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies, France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together in consultation with Russia and China to put forward a resolution at the U.N.Security Council requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons, and to ultimately destroy them under international control.We’ll also give U.N.inspectors the opportunity to report their findings about what happened on August 21st.And we will continue to rally support from allies from Europe to the Americas--from Asia to the Middle East--who agree on the need for action.因此，在我们探求这个外交途径的同时，我已要求国会领袖推迟就授权使用武力进行投票。我将派国务卿约翰·克里于本周四同俄罗斯外长见面，我也将继续同普京总统进行商谈。我已同我们最亲密的两个盟国——法国和英国——的领导人交谈过，我们将与俄罗斯和中国磋商，共同努力在联合国安理会提出一项决议，要求阿萨德必须放弃化学武器，并在国际监控下最终销毁它们。我们还将让联合国核查人员有机会报告他们对8月21日所发生的一切的调查结果。我们也将继续争取同样认为有必要采取行动的盟友的支持——从欧洲到美洲、从亚洲到中东。
Meanwhile, I’ve ordered our military to maintain their current posture to keep the pressure on Assad, and to be in a position to respond if diplomacy fails.And tonight, I give thanks again to our military and their families for their incredible strength and sacrifices.与此同时，我已命令我军保持他们目前的态势，以便继续向阿萨德施压，并在外交失效的情况下能够作出应对。今晚，我再次感谢我军军人及其家属的无比坚强以及他们付出的巨大牺牲。
My fellow Americans, for nearly seven decades, the United States has been the anchor of global security.This has meant doing more than forging international agreements--it has meant enforcing them.The burdens of leadership are often heavy, but the world is a better place because we have borne them.我的美国同胞们，近70年来，美国一直是全球安全的支柱。这不仅意味着缔结国际协定——而且意味着严格执行国际协定。发挥领导作用的担子往往是沉重的，但正因为我们已承担起这个重担，这个世界才变得更加美好。
And so, to my friends on the right, I ask you to reconcile your commitment to America’s military might with a failure to act when a cause is so plainly just.To my friends on the left, I ask you to reconcile your belief in freedom and dignity for all people with those images of children writhing in pain, and going still on a cold hospital floor.For sometimes resolutions and statements of condemnation are simply not enough.因此，我要请右翼的朋友们想一想，以你们对美国强大军力的承诺，能否容许不为如此显而易见的正义事业采取行动。我要请左翼的朋友们想一想，以你们对所有人民的自由和尊严的信念，能否对那些痛苦挣扎的儿童在医院冰冷的地板上奄奄一息的画面无动于衷。有时仅仅拿出决议及发表谴责声明是远远不够的。
Indeed, I’d ask every member of Congress, and those of you watching at home tonight, to view those videos of the attack, and then ask: What kind of world will we live in if the United States of America sees a dictator brazenly violate international law with poison gas, and we choose to look the other way?
是的，我要请每一位国会议员以及今晚在家中收看讲话的每一个人都去看一看有关那次袭击的视频并扪心自问：如果美国看到一名独裁者动用毒气肆无忌惮地践踏国际法却视而不见，那我们的这个世界会变成什么样子？
Franklin Roosevelt once said, “Our national determination to keep free of foreign wars and foreign entanglements cannot prevent us from feeling deep concern when ideals and principles that we have cherished are challenged.” Our ideals and principles, as well as our national security, are at stake in Syria, along with our leadership of a world where we seek to ensure that the worst weapons will never be used.富兰克林·罗斯福曾说：“我国不介入国外战争和国外纠葛的决心不能阻止我们在我们所珍视的理念和原则受到挑战的时候深深地感到关切。” 我们的理念和原则，以及我们的国家安全，都在叙利亚问题上面临利害攸关的时刻，此外还有我们在全世界为确保最残酷的武器绝不被使用而发挥的领导作用。
America is not the world’s policeman.Terrible things happen across the globe, and it is beyond our means to right every wrong.But when, with modest effort and risk, we can stop children from being gassed to death, and thereby make our own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act.That’s what makes America different.That’s what makes us exceptional.With humility, but with resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth.美国不是世界警察。全球到处都有可怕的事情发生，我们没有能力去纠正每一桩恶行。但当我们付出适度的努力并承担适度的风险就能阻止用毒气杀害儿童的行径，并从长远来看能以此进一步保障我们本国儿童的安全，我便坚信我们应当采取行动。正是这一点让美国独树一帜。正是这一点让我们出类拔萃。让我们以谦和为怀，同时下定决心，永远牢记这个至关重要的真理。
Thank you.God bless you.And God bless the United States of America.谢谢你们。愿上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
第五篇：奥巴马就利比亚问题全国电视讲话全文
北京时间3月29日清晨7点30分，美国总统奥巴马就利比亚局势发表全国电视讲话。奥巴马在讲话中为美国领导下的多国干预利比亚军事行动进行辩护，称阻止一场潜在的大屠杀发生符合美国的国家利益。他同时宣布，北约将于本周三正式接手利比亚军事干预指挥权。以下是奥巴马讲话全文：
晚上好，我想在今晚就我们在利比亚所作出的国际努力向美国人民提供最新情况：我们已作了什么、我们计划采取什么措施、以及为什么它对我们很重要。
我想在讲话开始的时候向我们的男女军人表示感谢，他们的行动再次展现了勇气、职业精神、爱国主义。他们行动的速度和力量令人难以置信。由于他们和我们外交官的专注努力，一个联盟得以组建，无数生命得以挽救。与此同时，就在我们发言的时候，我们的部队正在支援我们的盟友日本，把伊拉克交还给伊拉克人民、在阿富汗制止塔利班的攻势、在全球范围内追捕基地组织成员。作为美军总司令，我和全体美国人一起对我们的陆军士兵、海军士兵、空军士兵、海军陆战队员、海岸警卫队队员和他们的家人表示感谢。作为全球安全的基石和人类自由的拥护者，美国在过去数十年里一直发挥着独特的作用。考虑到军事行动的风险和费用，很自然的，我们不太愿意使用武力来解决世界面临的许多挑战。但是当我们的利益和价值遇到危险时，我们有采取行动的责任。这就是利比亚在过去六周所发生的事情。
利比亚位于突尼斯和埃及之间，突尼斯和埃及人民站出来掌握自己命运的行动使世界受到鼓舞。在过去四十多年里，利比亚人民一直被一个暴君统治着，他就是卡扎菲。他剥夺了人民的自由，剥削他们的财富，杀害国内外的反对者、恐吓世界各地的无辜民众，其中包括被利比亚特工杀害的美国人。
上个月，卡扎菲的恐怖统治似乎将让位于对自由的承诺。利比亚人走上全国各地城镇街头，要求获得基本人权。正如一位利比亚人所说的那样：“我们终于可以希望，我们四十年的恶梦将很快结束。这是我们第一次有这样的希望。”
卡扎菲在遭遇反对后开始攻击自己的人民。作为总统，我立即担心的是我们公民的安全，所以我们撤离了我们的使馆工作人员和所有寻求我们帮助的美国人。我们随后在数天内采取了快速的行动以应对卡扎菲的行动。我们冻结了330多亿美元的卡扎菲政权资产。我们和联合国安理会成员国合作扩大了针对利比亚的制裁措施，对利比亚实施了武器禁运，使卡扎菲及其身边人士将为他们的行为付出代价。我明确表示，卡扎菲已失去了利比亚人民的信任，失去了领导的合法性。我说，他需要下台。
在面对世界的谴责时，卡扎菲选择升级他的攻击行动，对利比亚人民采取了军事打击行动。无辜人士遭到故意杀害，医院和救护车遭到攻击，记者们遭到逮捕、性侵犯和杀害。食品和燃料的供应被切断，供应米苏拉塔数十万居民的水设施被关掉。城镇遭到炮击，清真寺被毁，公寓楼变成一片废墟。卡扎菲动用军用飞机和武装直升机来攻击那些没有办法保护自身免遭空中袭击的平民。
在出现这种残暴的镇压，一场人道主义危机也隐约出现的时候，我下令海军舰只进入地中海。欧洲盟国表示愿意提供资源以制止杀戮。利比亚反对派和阿拉伯联盟呼吁世界采取行动以挽救利比亚的生命。在我的指示下，美国和我们在联合国安理会的盟国一起促使安理会通过一项具有历史意义的决议案。决议案授权在利比亚建立禁飞区以制止卡扎菲政权从空中发动袭击，它还进一步授权采取所有必要措施以保护利比亚人民。
在十天前，曾试图通过不动用武力来结束暴力的国际社会向卡扎菲提供了停止杀戮行动或者面临严峻后果的最后机会。卡扎菲的部队不但没有停止行动，而且还继续推进，逼近班加西。班加西有近70万男人、女人和儿童，他们试图获得免受恐惧的自由。
在这个时刻，美国和世界面临一个选择。卡扎菲宣布，他将对自己的人民“毫不留情”。他把他们比作老鼠，威胁要挨家挨户地进行惩罚。我们在过去曾目睹他在大街上吊死平民，在一天之内就杀死了一千多人。现在，我们看到卡扎菲政府军出现在班加西郊外。我们知道，如果我们再多等待一天，在班加西-这个几乎与夏洛特面积相等的城市将会发生大屠杀事件，大屠杀事件将会对整个地区产生影响，使世界的良知蒙上污点。
让那样的事情发生不符合我们的国家利益，我拒绝让那样的事情发生。所以在九天前，在与国会两党领导层进行磋商后，我授权对利比亚采取军事行动以制止杀戮，强制执行联合国安理会第1973号决议案。我们打击了逼近班加西的卡扎菲政府军，保护了班加西和班加西的居民。我们在邻近的艾季达比耶打击了卡扎菲的部队，使反对派武装能够把他们驱逐出去。我们打击了利比亚的防空系统，为建立禁飞区铺平了道路。我们打击了一直在封锁城镇的利比亚坦克和军事目标，我们切断了卡扎菲政府军的大部分后勤供应。今晚，我可以报告称，我们已制止了卡扎菲部队的推进。
美国不是独自进行这一努力的。相反，我们有一个强大而且不断壮大的联盟，它包括与我们关系最为密切的盟国-诸如英国、法国、加拿大、丹麦、挪威、意大利、西班牙、希腊、土耳其等国。所有这些国家在过去数十年里一直与我们并肩作战。联盟中也包括像卡塔尔和阿联酋这样的阿拉伯盟友，它们选择担负起保护利比亚人民的责任。
让我们总结一下：仅仅用了一个月的时间，美国和我们的国际盟友就合作动员了一个范围扩大的联盟，获得了保护平民的国际授权，制止了一支正在推进的军队，防止了大屠杀，和我们的盟国和伙伴建立了禁飞区。为了让人们了解这一军事和外交行动是如此的迅速，我们可以回忆一下二十世纪九十年代的波斯尼亚。当波斯尼亚的人民生活在恐怖状态时，国际社会花了一年多的时间才决定动用空中力量来进行干涉以保护平民。
此外，这些目标是与我在军事行动开始时向美国人民的承诺相一致的情况下实现的。我当时称，美国在军事行动中的作用将是有限的，我们将不会向利比亚派地面部队，我们将把我们的独特能力聚焦于行动的开始阶段，我们将向我们的盟友和伙伴移交责任。今晚，我们正在兑现这些承诺。
我们最有效的联盟北约已接管了强制执行武器禁运和禁飞区任务的指挥权。北约昨晚决定进一步承担保护利比亚平民的责任。美国将于周三向北约移交指挥权。执行禁飞区、保护地面平民的主导权将转交给我们的盟国和伙伴。我完全相信，我们的联盟将加大对卡扎菲残余部队的压力。美国将在这一方面发挥支持性作用，其中包括情报、后勤支援、搜索和营救援助、干扰卡扎菲政权通讯的能力。由于行动已转交给一个更为广泛、基于北约的联盟，对于我们的军队和美国纳税人来说，军事行动的风险和费用将大大降低。
对于那些曾怀疑我们执行这一行动能力的人，我想明确表示：美国已兑现了它的承诺。
这并不是说我们的工作已经完成。除了我们的北约责任外，我们将继续与国际社会合作，以便向利比亚人民提供援助。饥饿的利比亚人需要食品，伤者需要得到医治。我们将确保卡扎菲政权遭冻结的330多亿美元的资金安全，以使其能够用于重建利比亚。毕竟，这笔钱不属于卡扎菲或者我们，它属于利比亚人民。我们将确保他们能得到那笔钱。
明天，国务卿希拉里-克林顿将抵达伦敦；在那里，她将与利比亚反对派，并与超过30个国家一同商讨之后的方案。他们的会谈将聚焦对卡扎菲施压必须采取何种外交努力，同时在利比亚人民能够承受的条件下在未来平稳过渡。我们的军事任务的目标是保护平民的生命；而利比亚不属于一个独裁者，属于利比亚全体人民，所以我们将为了这一更远大的目标继续努力。
尽管，我们在过去几周的努力获得了成功，但我知道还有一个美国人会对于我们在利比亚的努力产生疑问。卡扎菲还没有下台，而在他下台之前，利比亚将仍然面临危险。而且即使卡扎菲卸任，他长达40年的统治已经使利比亚支离破碎，缺乏强有力的公民体系。对于利比亚人民来说，合法政权的过渡将是一个艰难的任务。美国将尽我们所能提供帮助，因为这同时是国际社会的责任；而更重要的，这是利比亚人民自己的任务。
实际上，华盛顿大多数的争论集中在针对利比亚的错误选择上。一方面，有些人质疑为什么美国应该干涉——甚至是有限的方式来干涉这个遥远的国家。他们争论，世界上有许多地方都存在类似的问题，无辜百姓面对政府的残忍暴力统治；美国不应该被期望成为“世界警察”，特别是当我们自己仍面临许多压力。
确实，美国不可能在所有镇压发生的地方使用我们的军队；并且，考虑到武力干涉的花费和风险，我们应该总是先衡量利益而不是需要。但是，为了正确的目标而行动，永远不应该遭遇争论。在这个特殊的国家——利比亚；在这个特殊的时刻，我们面对的暴力已经达到了令人毛骨悚然的程度。我们拥有停止这种暴力的特殊能力：得到国际授权的行动，多国部队的加入，阿拉伯国家的支持，以及利比亚人民提出的请求。同时，我们也有能力在不派出美军士兵进入利比亚的前提下，阻止卡扎菲及其部队前进的步伐。
对美国作为一个领导者的责任置之不理，更为深远的是，对处于危险情况下的其他人所应承担的责任置之不理，将是对我们自已的背叛。也许有些国家可以对其它国家的暴行视而不见，但美国不同。作为总统，我拒绝等待，必须在出现杀戮和集体墓地之前采取行动。
另外，防止卡扎菲过度凌驾于反对者之上，对于美国来说也有重要的战略利益。大屠杀将导致成千上万的难民越过利比亚边境，将对和平造成极大的威胁：它将对埃及和突尼斯原本脆弱的过渡产生不利，让该地区刚刚出现的民主进程被黑暗遮盖；而镇压反对意见的那些领导人们则会确信，使用暴力是稳定政权最好的策略；联合国安理会的法令也将基本成为一纸空文，不足以在未来支持全球和平和安全。所以，我不会将涉入军事行动的花费实现最小化，我深信如果在利比亚的行动失败，将对美国造成更大的影响。
现在，在那些据理反对干涉利比亚的人之外，也有其他人建议我们扩大军事行动，将任务不仅仅局限在保护利比亚人民；尽一切所能罢免卡扎菲，开辟一个新的政府。
当然，卡扎菲的下台对利比亚和全世界来说都是一件好事，这是毋庸置疑的。我和许多其它国家领导人一起在努力，并将用非军事手段积极的追求这一目标。但是，为了实现政权更迭而扩大我们的军事任务将是一个错误。
我委派美国部队的任务是保护利比亚民众远离直接的危险，在联合国授权和国际支持的条件下建立禁飞区。这也是利比亚反对派要求我们做的。如果我们试图以武力推翻卡扎菲，我们的联合将出现分裂。我们可能将不得不派美国军队进入地面，或者冒着从空中杀死许多无辜平民的风险。这对于我们的男女军人，我们的花费，以及我们接下来将分担的责任都将面临更大的危险。
老实说，我们走了伊拉克那条路，感谢我们军队士兵的巨大牺牲和我们外交官的决心；我们可以期望伊拉克的未来。但是，政权的转变花费了长达8年的时间，损失了成千上万美国人和伊拉克人的生命，以及将近一万亿美元的代价。这不是我们能够在利比亚再次负担的事情。
随着我们大多数军事努力逐渐减少，我们能做的，以及我们将做的，是支持利比亚人民的愿望。我们已经干涉阻止了屠杀，我们还将在伙伴的领导下共同保障民众的安全。我们将打击卡扎菲政权的武装，切断他们的资金供给；帮助反对派，协助其他国家加速卡扎菲的卸任。这也许不会在一夜之间发生，但我们会最大程度的阻止卡扎菲把握权力的努力。但是，卡扎菲身边的人应该清楚，所有利比亚人也应该明白，历史不会在他的左右。随着我们向利比亚人民提供的时间和空间，他们将决定自己的命运。
让我更详细的解释一下此次行动关于美国军事力量的使用，以及在我的领导下，美国在世界范围更加广阔的领导力。
最为最高指挥官，我最大的责任便是保证这个国家的安全。对我来说，没有什么比将国家的男女分派到军中服役更加令我烦恼的事。我想说明的是，当需要保护我们的人民、国土、盟国和核心利益时，我将绝对不会犹豫使用我们的军队；这也正是为什么有基地组织据点的地方就有我们士兵的足迹。这就是即便我们已经完成在伊拉克的作战任务，从那里撤出10万部队之后，还要在阿富汗继续战斗的原因。
然而，也有很多次，我们的安全虽然并未受到直接的威胁，但我们的利益和价值遭到挑战。有时，历史的进程会形成挑战，对我们共同人类和共同安全造成威胁，例如自然灾害，或者阻止种族灭绝和维持和平。确保地区安全，维持商业的流动性。这也许不仅仅是美国独自的问题，但它们对我们非常重要；也是值得去解决的问题。在这种环境之下，我们知道美国作为世界上最强大的国家，将被经常要求提供帮助。
在这种情况下，我们不应惧怕行动——行动责任也不应属于美国一家。正如在利比亚，我们的任务转而成为调动国际社会集体行动。因为与一些人要求的相反，美国的领导不是简单的单打独斗，自己承受所有的责任和负担。真正的领导力是创造条件，联合其他人，更好地达成目标；与同盟及伙伴一起努力，所以也一同承担责任，共同支付花费；能够看到一个公平的原则，并且人类的尊严也得到了上升。
这就是我们在利比亚显示出的领导力。当然，即使当我们的地位是多国部队之一，任何军事行动都存在高风险；当我们的飞机在利比亚上空出现故障，我们认识到了这种风险。然而，当我们的飞行员跳伞降落到地面，来到这个领导人经常妖魔化美国的国家——这个对我们国家来说拥有如此艰难的历史的地区——我们的美国飞行员并没有发现敌人。相反，他遇到的人们欢迎他的到来。一个帮助他的利比亚年轻人说：“我们是你的朋友，我们非常感谢你们保卫天空。”
这种声音只是该地区许多声音中的一个，该地区新的一代人拒绝继续被剥夺权利和机会。是的，这种变化将使世界更为复杂。进展将是不平衡的，变革在不同国家的表现方式也不同。在埃及这样的地方，变革将会使我们受到鼓舞，提升我们的希望。在伊朗那样的地方，变革遭到残酷的压制。人们必须避免内部冲突和教派战争这样的黑暗力量，应对困难的政治和经济问题。
美国将不能决定变革的节奏和范围，只有该地区人民可以作到这一点，但我们可以发挥作用，我认为，变革运动不能被逆转，我们必须与那些相信同样原则的人们站在一起，这些原则曾指引我们度过风暴：我们反对针对自己国家公民的暴力、支持一系列普世权利，其中包括自由表达权和选择自己领导人的权利，我们支持对人民的愿望作出回应的政府。
作为渴望自由人士所推动革命的产物，我们美国对正在发生的事实——正在变化中的中东和北非历史，以及在这一变化中发挥主导作用的年轻人——表示欢迎。因为不管渴望自由的人是哪些人，他们都将在美国找到朋友。最终，是信念——那些理想——是美国领导能力的真正考量标准。
我的美国同胞，我知道当海外形势发生动荡时，当新闻里充斥着冲突和变革时，人们会很容易地选择把视线从海外移开。正如我之前所说的那样，我们在海外的力量基于我们国内的实力。这必须一直是我们的北极星-我们的人民实现他们潜能的能力、明智地使用我们的资源、扩大作为我们能力源泉的繁荣局面、按照我们所珍视的价值观生活。
但也请我们记住，在过去数十年里，我们为保护自己的人民和全球各地的数以百万计的人们作了艰苦的工作。我们这样作是因为我们知道，如果更多的人生活在自由和尊严的明亮阳光下，我们自己的未来将会更加安全和光明。今晚，让我们感谢那些在艰苦时代服务的美国人和正在让我们的努力取得进展的盟友。让我们抱着信心和希望来展望未来，不仅是为我们自己的国家，也是为那些世界各地渴望自由的人们。感谢你，上帝保佑你，愿上帝保佑美国。（完）
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