肯尼迪总统在美国大学毕业典礼的演讲(英文)

第一篇：肯尼迪总统在美国大学毕业典礼的演讲(英文)

John F.Kennedy

American University Commencement Address

delivered 10 June 1963 President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914.This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business.By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.“There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university,” wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities--and his words are equally true today.He did not refer to towers or to campuses.He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, “a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see.”

I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived.And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war.Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave.I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children--not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.I speak of peace because of the new face of war.Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces.It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War.It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace.But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles--which can only destroy and never create--is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men.I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears.But we have no more urgent task.Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet union adopt a more enlightened attitude.I hope they do.I believe we can help them do it.But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs.And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.First examine our attitude towards peace itself.Too many of us think it is impossible.Too many think it is unreal.But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief.It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.We need not accept that view.Our problems are manmade;therefore, they can be solved by man.And man can be as big as he wants.No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings.Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream.I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions--on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned.There is no single, simple key to this peace;no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers.Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts.It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation.For peace is a process--a way of solving problems.With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations.World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement.And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever.However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors.So let us persevere.Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable.By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union.It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write.It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims--and I quote--“of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war.”

Truly, as it was written long ago: “The wicked flee when no man pursueth.” Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us.But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue.As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity.But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war.Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other.And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet union in the Second World War.At least 20 million lost their lives.Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked.A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland--a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.Today, should total war ever break out again--no matter how--our two countries will be the primary target.It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation.All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours.And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens.For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease.We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race.Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet union as well as ours.And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved.And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity.For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet.We all breathe the same air.We all cherish our children's futures.And we are all mortal.Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points.We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment.We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us.We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace.And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war.To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy--or of a collective death-wish for the world.To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use.Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint.Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard.And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute.We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded.We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system--a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war.Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides.We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear.We are bound to many nations by alliances.Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap.Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests.The United States will make no deal with the Soviet union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge.Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others.The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today.For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions.It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves.And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication.One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war.Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms.The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's.It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations.And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort--to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests.The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas.It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms.It would increase our security;it would decrease the prospects of war.Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty.Our hope must be tempered--Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history;but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so.We will not--We will not be the first to resume.Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one.Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home.The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad.We must show it in the dedication of our own lives--as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government--local, State, and National--to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate.And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.All this--All this is not unrelated to world peace.“When a man's way[s] please the Lord,” the Scriptures tell us, “he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him.” And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation;the right to breathe air as nature provided it;the right of future generations to a healthy existence? While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests.And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both.No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion.But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war.We do not want a war.We do not now expect a war.This generation of Americans has already had enough--more than enough--of war and hate and oppression.We shall be prepared if others wish it.We shall be alert to try to stop it.But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just.We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success.Confident and unafraid, we must labor on--not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.来源：http://wsc.jxbsu.com/show.php?itemid=122

第二篇：肯尼迪总统就职演讲

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和丅平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由丅行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共丅产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政丅府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和丅平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主丅权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和丅平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和丅平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和丅平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政丅府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作

第三篇：肯尼迪总统的演讲-心得

这是一篇肯尼迪总统的就职演讲，粗略的看一遍，可以看到这是一篇主要关于自由，权利的演讲。

学过历史的我们都知道，肯尼迪是在二战刚结束后上台的，那时面临的形势比较严峻，肯尼迪总统在这种情况下发表演讲更能体现出那种追求自由，不畏困难的精神。俗话说:生命诚可贵，爱情价更高；若为自由故，二者皆可抛。自由本应该是每个人所具有的基本权利，但是在那时拥有自由权利的却是及少数。

肯尼迪总统的演讲反应了当时的政治，文化，社会背景。在这篇演讲词中有这么一句话:不要问国家为你做了什么，要问 你为国家做了什么。其实肯尼迪在原文中，就是呼吁全世界的 人一起，为了自由而奋斗.紧跟着“不要问 国家为你做了什么,而问你为国家做了什么 ”的是“不要问美国为你做了什么，问你 为人类自由做了什么”。自由是与生俱来，而非国家政权赐予，每个人，每个国家都有自由的权利，我们要做的是帮助一些贫困落后的人获得自由，摆脱贫困，并且呼吁国人劳守胜利的果实，誓死保卫人民的自由权，为世界的和平做贡献。

看过《勇敢的心》的都知道，为自由而战是一件多么神圣的使命，即使付出多大代价也在所不惜。不得不佩服肯尼迪总统的勇气与睿智，他没有被暂时的战争胜利所冲昏头脑，而是清楚的意识到，为自由而战依然还没有结束，也许他早就意识到危险的存在，但还是奋不顾身的去了，以致后来被人暗杀。这足以证明自由的神圣，他还提出了需要协商的政策，恳求双方为谋求和平而努力，为和平为自由谈判……

自由是神圣的，不容侵犯的，要担负起捍卫自由的使命，绝不退缩。

第四篇：美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说

John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice

President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and

Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich./

5To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pross--to assist free men and free

governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agssion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to

strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental

self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E/ 5

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this

responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.肯尼迪就职典礼

时间：1961年1月20日 地点：国会大厦

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。/

5让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。/

5让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。/ 5

第五篇：肯尼迪在美国大学的演讲词

个性化教育项目专家

John F.Kennedy

American University Speech

约翰．肯尼迪 在美国大学的演讲词

肯尼迪对和平的愿望像一条缕缕不绝的线贯穿着他的许多演讲词。但他于一九六三年六月十日在华盛顿市美国大学所发表的这篇演讲中对和平愿望所作的阐述，是最激动人心不过的了。

伍德鲁．威尔逊教授曾经说过，每个大学毕业生都应是爱国者，应有时代精神。我坚信，从本校荣幸毕业的男女学生，会继续把年华和才智奉献出来，悉心为公众服务，充当社会的栋梁。

约翰．梅斯菲尔德在给英国各大学题辞时写道：「世间事物几乎没有什么比大学更美好的。」他的这番话在这里也同样适用。他指的不是高耸的塔尖和巍峨的高楼，也不是绿树成荫的校园和长满常春藤的围墙。他说。他赞美大学的美，因为那是「痛恨愚昧的人孜孜求知之所，领悟真理的人诲人不倦之处」。

因此，我选择此时此地来讨论一个问题，对这个问题，目前无知者太多，悟理者太少。然而它却是天下头等重要的课题，那就是世界和平。

我所指的是什么样的和平呢?我们所寻求的又是什么样的和平呢?不是那种靠美国的战争武器强加于世界的美国统治下的和平。不是坟墓般的平静，也不是奴隶式的安全。我所讲的是真正的和平，是使人活在世上有意义的那种和平，是使人和国家能够兴旺发达，满怀希望，并为子孙后代创造更美好生活的和平；不仅仅是美国人的和平，而且是所有男女的和平，不仅仅是我们这一时代的和平，而且是永久的和平。

我所以要谈论和平，是因为战争的面貌不同了。在大国能够维持庞大而较难击破的核武力，并且不会在使用这些武力之前投降的时代里，在一枚核武器的爆炸力几乎十倍于第二次世界大战期间所有盟国空军所投炸弹的爆炸力总和的时代里，在核战争产生的致命毒素将被风、水、土和种子传播到地球每个角落并将影响尚未出世后裔的时代里，总体战已失去了意义。

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现在每年要花数十亿美元来生产武器，目的是为了确保我们永远不需要使用这些武器，这对维持和平是必要的。但是贮存这些闲置不用的武器，而且这些武器只能破坏而不能创造财富，这肯定不是唯一的、更不是最有效的维护和平的手段。

因此我认为，和平是有理性的人应该追求的合理目标。我知道，致力于和平事业不像从事战争那样引人注目，而且人们对于呼吁和平往往置若罔闻。但我们现在没有比这个更紧迫的任务了。

有人说，谈论世界和平、世界法律和世界裁军毫无用处，将来也毫无用处，除非苏联领导人采取较为开明的态度。我希望苏联领导人那样做。我相信我们能够帮助他们那样做。但是我也认为，我们个人和国家也必须重新检讨一下自己的态度，因为我们和他们的态度一样关系重大。本校的每一个毕业生，每一个反对战争希望和平的有识之士都应该内省，检查自己对和平的可能性、对苏联、对冷战进程和对本国的自由与和平的看法。

首先，让我们检查一下对和平的看法。我们当中认为和平不可能保持的人太多了，认为不可能有真正和平的人也太多了。然而这是一种危险的和失败主义的想法。它会使人得这种道理结论：战争是不可避免的，人类注定要灭亡，我们被一种无法控制的力量支配着。

我们没有必要接受这种看法。我们的问题都是人为的，因而能够由人来解决。事在人为。有关人类命运的问题，没有一个是人所不能解决的。人靠自己的理智和精神解决了一些似乎无法解决的问题。我们相信，他们还能这么做。

我所讲的和平与善意，不是一些幻想家和狂热分子所梦想的那种绝对而无限的普遍和平与善意的概念。我不否认希望与梦想的价值，但如果把它作为我们眼前唯一的目标，那就只会带来沮丧和怀疑。

让我们把注意力集中在比较实际的、比较能实现的和平上。这种和平不是建立在人性突变的基础上，而是建立在人类制度逐步演变的基础上，建立在符合众人利益的一系列具体行动和有效协议的基础上。要实现这种和平，没有任何快捷方式可走，也不是一两个大国采用任何宏伟、奇妙的方案所能实现的。真正的和平是许多国家采取许多行动才能实现的。它必然是充满活力而不是静止的，并能不断变化以应付每一代新人所提出的挑战，因为和平是解决问题的过程和途径。

有了这种和平，仍然会有争论和利害冲突，就像在家庭和国家内部那样。世界和平有如社会安宁，并不要求每个人爱他的邻居，只要求他们互相宽容共处，并用公正和平的方法解决纠纷。历史教导我们，国与国之间的仇恨如同人与人之间的仇恨一样，不是永世不能消除的。不管我们的爱与憎看起来多么根深蒂固，但随着时间的推移和事态的发展，国家之间和邻居之间的关系常常会发生意料不到的变化。

所以让我们坚持不懈地努力下去。和平不一定是不能实现的，战争也不一定是不

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可避免的。只要我们更加确切地表明我们的目标，使之显得较易处理，不那么渺茫，我们就能帮助各国人民看清目标，从中获得希望还勇往直前。

第二、让我们重新检查一下我们对苏联的看法。想到苏联领导人有可能真的相信他们宣传家的宣传，确实使人感到丧气。看到最近列登在苏联权威刊物[军事战略]上的一篇文章，就很使人失望。文章通篇都是毫无根据、难以置信的论断，诸如「美帝国主义集团正在准备发动不同类型的战争……现在存在着美帝国主义先发制人向苏联发动战争的真正威胁……美帝国主义的政治目标是在经济和政治上奴役欧洲和其它资本主义国家……并借助侵略战争达到其统治世界的目的。」

古语说：「作贼心虚。」确实如此。然而读到苏联的这些言论，意识到我们之间鸿沟为阻，却是很令人沮丧的。但这也提醒美国人民不要像苏联人那样上当，不要只看到对方那种歪曲和极端的观点，不要把冲突看成不可避免，不要把和解看成绝不可能，不要把对话看作只不过是相互威胁而已。

没有一个政府或社会制度会邪恶到这种程度，致使人们可以把那里的人民也看成乏善可陈。我们美国人，认为共产主义否定个人自由和尊严是极易令人反感的。但是我们同时也为俄罗斯人民在科学和太空、经济和工业发展以及文化方面取得的许多成就和英勇的行为而欢呼。

在我们两国人民所具有的许多共性中，最突出的莫过于憎恨战争。我们两国之间从未交战过，这在世界列强中几乎是绝无仅有的。在战争历史上，还没有哪一个国家比苏联在第二次世界大战中所遭受的苦难更深。至少有两千万人丧失了生命。不计其数的家庭和农场或化为灰烬，或被劫掠一空。全国三分之一地区，包括将近三分之二工业基地成了废墟，受害面积相常于我国芝加哥以东的整个地区。

今天一旦再爆发总体战，不管是怎么发生的，我们两国都会首当其冲。这两个最强大的国家遭受破坏的危险也最大，这似乎有点反常，但事实的确如此。我们的建设成果，我们努力获致的一切，将会在最初二十四小时的战斗内被摧毁殆尽，甚至在那给许多国家(包括我国最亲密盟国在内)带来风险和负担的冷战中，也是我们两国的负担最重，因为我们两国都把大量金钱花在武器上，而这笔钱本来是可以用来克服愚昧、贫穷和疾病的。我们双方都被卷进一个危险的恶性循环里，一方的疑心马上会引起另一方的猜测；一方有了新武武器，另一方也立即会有对抗的武器。

简言之，美国和它的盟国、苏联和它的盟国都深切希望有公正而真正的和平，希望停止军备竞赛。在这方面如能达成协议，则对苏联和我们都很有利。即使对于那些敌意最深的国家，也应相信他们会接受并遵守那些条约义务；他们只能接受和遵守那些条约义务，因为那符合他们本身的利益。

因此，我们不应对我们的分歧视若无睹，但是，也应该注意我们的共同利益和解决分歧的方法。如果我们现在不能消除分歧，至少我们应该努力使世界不致因分

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歧而不安全。因为归根结底我们最基本的共同点是都居住在这个星球上。我们都呼吸着同样的空气。我们都为子女的前途着想，而且我们的寿命都是有限的。

第三、让我们重新检查一下对冷战的看法。要记住我们现在不是在进行辩论，不是要列举各方的论点。我们并不是在这里责备别人或是判断他人的是非。我们必须从当前实况出发来处理世界问题，而不要将我们的看法建筑在如果过去十八年的历史不是这样的话，那么世界可能是另一番景象的假设上。

所以我们必须坚持不懈地去探求和平，希望共产主义集团内部建设性的变化会带来一些我们目前似乎是办不到的解决办法。我们处理事情的方式，必须使共产主义集团看到，达到真正的和平是对他们有利的。尤其重要的是，当核大国在维护本身的重大利益时，必须避免使其对手不得不在忍辱退却和原子战争二者之 间进行抉择的那种针锋相对的做法。在核时代，采取这种做法只不过证明我们政策的破产，或表示大家都希望世界毁灭。

为达此目的，美国的武器不用于挑衅，而且慎加控制，旨在起威慑作用，并能有选择地使用。我们的军队是致力于保卫和平的，在自我克制方面也是训练有素的。我们的外交官奉命避免发表不必要的刺激性言论和造成纯属论战的敌对状态。

我们可以在不放松警惕的情况下来寻求紧张局势的缓和。从我们方面来说，我们无须用威胁来证明我们的决心。我们也无须唯恐我们的信仰遭受腐蚀而去干扰别国的广播。我们不愿意把我们的制度强加给任何不愿意接受的人民，但是我们愿意并且能够与世界上任何国家的人民进行和平竞赛。

与此同时，我们努力加强联合国，帮助联合国解决经费问题，使它成为更有效的和平工具，将它发展成真正的世界安全体系，即成为一个能够根据法律解决争端、确保大小国家安全和为最终消灭军备而创造条件的体系。

我们同时努力维护非共产主义国家内部的和平。在非共产主义世界里，许多国家由于各种争端而发生分裂。这些国家都是我们的朋友，它们的争端削弱了西方的团结，容易招来共产党的干涉，或有导致战争的危险。尽管受到来自双方面的批评，我们在西新几内亚、刚果、中东和印度次大陆的努力是始终不懈的和极 有耐心的。我们也曾努力调整与最亲密的邻邦墨西哥和加拿大的微小但却重要的分歧，试图为别人树立榜样。

谈到其它国家，我想表明一点。我们与许多国家有联盟关系，这种联盟关系之所以存在，是因为我们和他们有相当多共同关心的问题。例如，由于我们切身利益的一致性，我们承担的保卫西欧和西柏林的义务一直没有减少。美国不会以牺牲其它国家和人民的利益为代价来与苏联进行交易。这不仅仅是因为这些国家和人民是我们的伙伴，而且也因为他们的利益和我们的利益是一致的。

我们利益的一致性，不仅表现在保卫自由的疆界上，而且也表现在追求和平的道路上。我们的希望和盟国政策的目标，是促使苏联认识到，它也应该让每个国家选择自己的前途，只要这种选择不妨碍其它国家的选择。共产党国家力图把他们

www.xiexiebang.com 个性化教育项目专家 的政治和经济制度强加于别国，是今天世界紧张局势的主要原因。如果所有 国家都不干涉别国的自决，和平毫无疑问会更有保障。

这需要作出新的努力来制定世界法律，为讨论世界上的问题提供新的条件。这就需要增强苏联和我们之间的相互了解。要加强了解就必须加强接触和交换意见。这方面的一个步骤，就是拟议中的在莫斯科和华盛顿之间安装一条直线电话，以避免彼此在危机时期可能出现的危险的延搁，以及对另一方行动的误会和误 解。

我们一直在日内瓦就有关武器控制的其它初步措施举行谈判，目的是限制军备竞赛的加剧和减少意外战争的危险性。然而我们在日内瓦会谈的首要和长远的目标是全面彻底裁军。裁军可分阶段进行，同时也在政治方面求得进展，建立新的和平体制以取代军备。自二十年代以来，我国政府一直为实现裁军而努力。前三届政府也为此进行了不懈的奋斗。不管今天裁军的前景是多么的黯淡，我们仍准备继续努力。我们继续这方面的工作是为了使所有的国家，包括我们自己，能更好地了解裁军方面存在的问题及其各种可能性。

这些谈判的一个重要方面，是签订禁止核试验的条约，条约的缔结已指日可待，然而却迫切需要取得新的进展。签订这样一个条约似乎近在眼前却又远不可及，条约的缔结可以制止军备竞赛中最危险的一个领域的恶性循环，而且将使得核大国能更有效地处理人类在一九六三年所面临的最大危害之一，即核武器进一步扩散的问题。条约的缔结将增加我们的安全，也将减少战争的可能性。这个目标确是极其重要的，需要我们不断努力追求，但是也不能因此受惑而放弃我们所坚持的至关重要的和可靠的保障措施。

因此，我借此机会宣布两项有关的重要决定。

第一：赫鲁晓夫主席、麦克米伦首相和我已经同意，最近将在莫斯科举行高级会议，期望能尽早达成一项全面禁止核试验的协议。我们怀着希望，同时也不要忘记历史的教训，但是我们所抱的希望是与全人类的希望一致的。

第二：为了表明我们对这个问题的诚意和庄严的信念，我现在宣布：只要其它国家不在大气层进行核试验，美国也不打算在大气层进行核试验。我们将不首先恢复大气层核试验。这个声明代替不了有约束力的正式条约，但是我希望它有助于我们缔结条约。这样一个条约也不能代替裁军，但是我希望它有助于我们实 现裁军。

我的美国同胞们，最后，让我们在这里检查一下我们对国内的和平自由的看法。我们社会的性质和精神，须能证明我们在国外所进行的努力是正确的，并且还能对那种努力起推动作用。我们必须以我们的献身精神来表明这一点。在今天毕业的同学中，许多人将有表现这种献身精神的极好机会，他们可在国外的和平队或国内筹建中的国民服务队里担任义务工作。

但是不管我们在哪里，我们在日常生活中，都必须遵循一条古训：和平与自由不

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可分割。今天在我们相当多的城市里，和平之仍无保障，因为自由还未臻完善。

地方、州和联邦各级政府的行政机构均有责任在他们的权力范围内，尽一切办法向所有公民提供自由和保障自由。举凡立法机构的权力有不完善之处，各级立法机构有责任使之臻于完善。我们各阶层的公民有责任尊重他人的权利和国家的法律。

所有这些都与世界和平有关。圣经说：「当一个人的行动使上帝满意时，他甚至也能使他的敌人与他和睦相处。」归根结底，和平基本上不就是一个人类的权利问题吗?不就是不虞受害而安度一生的权利，自由呼吸大自然所提供的空气的权利，以及让后代健康生活的权利吗?

当我们捍卫我们的国家利益时，让我们也来捍卫人类的利益。消灭战争和武器显然是符合上述两项利益的。任何条约不管给所有人带来多大的好处，也不管措辞多么严谨，都不能杜绝欺骗和漏洞。但是如果条约的实施相当有效，而且相当符合签约者的利益，那么它能够比毫无削减的、漫无控制的和难以预料的军备竞赛提供远为可靠的安全，人们所冒的风险也要少得多。

众所周知，美国决不会发动战争。我们不要战争。我们现在不盼望战争。这一代美国人已受够了战争、仇恨和压迫，并且受得太多了。如果别人想要战争，我们将严阵以待。我们将提高警惕，设法制止它。我们也会为建设一个弱者安全，强者公正的和平世界而尽我们的一点责任。要完成这个任务，我们不是无能为 力的，对实现这个目标，我们也不是毫无信心的。我们信心百倍，无所畏惧，努力奋斗－－不是旨在消灭他人，而是谋求和平。

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