第二任总统John Adams的就职演讲稿

第一篇：第二任总统John Adams的就职演讲稿

Inaugural Address of John Adams

INAUGURAL ADDRESS IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1797

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society.The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered.But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences--universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity.Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country.Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested.In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish.Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private.It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent.Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution.The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good.Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented.It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear.The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections.If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good.If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations.It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves;and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.Such is the amiable and interesting system of government(and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed)which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year.His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace.This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence;but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth;if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments;if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments;if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations;if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments;if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration;if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense;if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them;if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress;if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations;if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint;if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand;if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world;if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived;if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraved on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age;and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.-John Adams

第二篇：俄罗斯第六任总统普京就职演讲稿

俄罗斯第六任总统普京就职演讲

由博雅源讲演（视频）网收集整理

对于我来说刚刚我已经郑重的向全俄罗斯的民众宣誓，我将把捍卫国家的利益还有人民的人权，全心全意的为人民服务，永远视为我最为神圣而至上的这样一个职责，我不会辜负我们俄罗斯民众几百万人对我的这样一份厚爱和期待。我将用我毕生的精力去捍卫俄罗斯、服务人民而努力。我们在一起经历很多，我们共同走过以前这个特别困难的那一段历史，也正是由于这些困难呢，我们所有的这些人变得更加的团结，我们永远是站在一起，那么现在我们取得了一些成绩，我想说这都是我们大家通力合作的结果，我非常想感谢所有的人，所有那些为了我们的国家发展，人民生活更好而做出贡献的人们。那么现在呢，俄罗斯在过去这些年当中我们的经济已经有了很明显的改善，社会各方面也有了一定的改善，在梅德韦杰夫上任总统他执政期间呢，俄罗斯社会各个方面都取得了一定的成绩，所以我要感谢他。

我也是要祝愿梅德韦杰夫他在新的总理这样一个岗位上，能够取得新的成绩。我们在未来的六年当中，我将会继续的把捍卫国家权益、人民权益视为最重要的工作任务。那么在经济方面保持经济的大幅增长，这一项目标是离不开大家所有人的通力合作和努力的，我们一直想把重振俄罗斯的雄风，让俄罗斯在世界的舞台上能够得到超级大国这样一个地位。我们也要捍卫俄罗斯的民主，扩大人权的自由还有经济的自由，我们俄罗斯是一个有自己的特点，因为它是多民族的有多宗教信仰，所以我想对于这样一个国家来说，捍卫这个国家的凝聚力是一个非常重要的一个任务。那么只有在非常稳定的、非常良好的这样一个文化和社会的基础下我们才能渡过一个又一个的难关。

我想说如果我们每一个人都能够热爱我们的祖国，热爱我们的人民，把俄罗斯变成世界大国使人民生活得更好的这条道路上，我们就会走得更顺。俄罗斯是一个民主的国家，在这样的一个国家内，我希望通过我的努力能够让每个人都能够各尽其职，各思其能。我非常相信、确认我跟我的这些同仁们我们有共同的目标，那就是让俄罗斯能够大部的发展，能够让国家更加的公正、更加的公平，那么我们的国家在历史上创造了很多这样辉煌的一页又一页，正是由于这样辉煌的历史我们的人民才能创造一个又一个的奇迹，我很感谢在座的各位，谢谢大家。

第三篇：克林顿第二任就职演讲

january 20, 1993, inaugural address of william j.clinton（克林顿1993年就职演讲）my fellow citizens :（同胞们）today we celebrate the mystery of american renewal.今天，我们庆祝振兴美国这件令人感到异常惊奇的事。this ceremony is held in the depth of winter.but, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.a spring reborn in the worlds oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent america.尽管这个仪式在隆冬举行，但是，我们所说的话，我们向全世界所显示的面貌，将促使春天的早日来临。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家，它给我们带来了重新塑造美国的构想和勇气。when our founders boldly declared americas independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty, they knew that america, to endure, would have to change.not change for changes sake, but change to preserve americas ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.each generation of americans must define what it means to be an american.当我们的缔造者们大胆地向全世界宣布美国的独立，向上帝宣布我们的目的时，他们知道，美国要长久地存在下去，就必须改革。我们不是为改革而改革，而是为了保持美国的理想——生活、自由和追求幸福。虽然我们伴随着时代的乐曲前进，我们的使命却是永恒的。每一代美国人都必须明确作为一个美国人意味着什么。on behalf of our nation, i salute my predecessor, president bush, for his 我的前任布什总统为美国服务了半个世纪，在此，我代表我们的国家向他致以崇高的敬意。today, a generation raised in the shadows of the cold war assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.我还要向千百万人民表示感谢，他们以坚定的信念和牺牲战胜了经济萧条、法西斯主义。今天，在冷战的阴影下成长起来的一代人在世界上已肩负起新的责任。这个世界虽然沐浴在自由的阳光下，但仍然面临着旧的仇恨和新的灾祸的威胁。raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the worlds strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.我们在无与伦比的繁荣中成长，继承了一个仍然是世界上最强大经济，但是，商业失败、工资停滞、不平等加剧，以及我们自己的人民四分五裂，削弱了这个经济。when george washington first took the oath i have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时，消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今，这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。

通讯和商业是全球性的，投资是流动性的，技术几乎是神秘的，而要求改善生活的强烈愿望是全世界人民共同的。今天，我们美国人是和全世界人民在和平竞争中谋求我们的生计。profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.各种根深蒂固和强大的势力正在动摇和重新塑造我们的世界。我们时代迫切需要解决的问题是，我们能否使改革成为我们的朋友，而不是我们的敌人。millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.尽管这个新的世界已经使千百万能够在其中竞争并取胜的美国人富裕起来了，但是，在大多数人更加拼命地工作而收入却在减少的时候，在还有人根本找不到工作的时候，在卫生保健费用使许多人倾家荡产、使大大小小的企业行将倒闭的时候，在恐惧犯罪而使奉公守法的公民丧失自由的时候，在千百万贫困儿童甚至难以想象我们正召唤他们去过的那种生活的时候，我们却还没有使改革成为我们的朋友。we know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.but we have not done so.instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.我们知道，我们必须正视严酷的现实并且采取有力的措施，但是，我们没有这样做。相反，我们所奉行的是放任自流的政策，这种政策已经削弱了我们的力量，破坏了我们的经济，动摇了我们的信心。though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.and americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.we must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.虽然我们的挑战是可畏的，但我们的力量也是可畏的。美国人民从来就是一个不甘寂寞、勇于探索和充满希望的人民。我们必须使我们今天的任务体现我们前人的远见和意志。from our revolution, the civil war, to the great depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.从美国革命到南北战争，到大萧条，到民权运动，我们的人民总是下定决心，从这些危机中摆脱出来去建立我们历史的支柱。thomas jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.let us embrace it.托马斯杰斐逊认为，要保持我们国家的基础，我们就需要不时地进行改革。同胞们，这是我们的时代，让我们去拥抱它。our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.there is nothing wrong with america that cannot be cured by what is right with america.我们的民主制度不仅要为全世界所仰慕，还必须成为我们自我振兴的发动机。美国完全有能力自己解救自己。opportunity.it will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.but it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.we must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.因此，今天我们决心结束这个僵持停顿和放任自流的时代。一个振兴美国的新时代已经到来。要振兴美国，我们必须有足够的勇气和胆量。我们必须对自己的人民——对他们的工作和对他们的未来——增加投资，同时削减我们的巨额债务。在一个我们必须靠竞争才能获得每个机会的世界上，我们一定要这样做。虽然，这不是一件轻而易举的事，它需要作出牺牲。但是，我们能够做到，而且能够做得很好。我们不是为了牺牲而牺牲，而是为我们自己的利益而牺牲。我们必须像一个家庭抚育它的孩子那样抚育我们的国家。我们的缔造者们是从子孙后代的角度来审视他们自己的行为。我们也必须这样做。任何曾经注意过孩子的双眼朦胧进入梦乡的人，都知道后代是什么。后代是未来的世界。为了他们，我们满怀理想。从他们那里，我们借用了这块地球，对他们，我们负有神圣的责任。我们必须尽美国之所能：向所有人提供更多的机会，要求所有人承担更多的责任。

现在，已经到了该破除那种只望政府或别人给予，而自己不愿付出的坏习惯的时候了。让我们大家都担负起更多的责任，不光是为我们自己和我们的家庭，而且是我们的社会和我们的国家。为振兴美国，我们必须给我们的民主制度带来新的活力。this beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.这个美丽的首都，就像文明出现以来的所有首都一样，往往是一个搞阴谋诡计和勾心斗角的地方。达官贵族们玩弄权术、争名夺利，随时都在担心谁进谁出、谁升谁降，忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里，并为我们承担费用的人。americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.and so i say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of america.let us resolve to make our government a place for what franklin roosevelt called bold, persistent experimentation, a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.美国人应当生活得更好。今天，在这座城市里，人们希望把事情办得更好。所以，我要向在场的诸位说，让我们下定决心改革我们的政治，使人民的呼声不再被权力和特权所压倒。让我们抛开个人利益，这样，我们便能感受到美国的痛苦，也看到美国的希望。让我们下定决心，使我们的政府成为一个富兰克林罗斯福所说的，进行“大胆而持久的实验”的地方，即是说，成为一个着眼于未来，而不是留恋过去的政府。让我们把这个首都还给她所属的人民。to renew america, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.there is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world aids crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.为了振兴美国，我们必须迎接来自国内、国外的种种挑战。在什么是国外和什么是国内之间已不再有明确的界线。全球经济、全球环境、全球艾滋病危机和全球军备竞赛，这一切影响着所有的人。

今天，随着旧秩序被打破，新的世界更加自由，但又更加不稳定。共产主义的崩溃激起了旧的仇恨和新的危险。显然，美国必须继续领导这个我们曾经付出巨大努力而创造的世界。while america rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.篇二：克林顿第二次就职演讲 my fellow citizens: the promise of america was born in the 18th century out of the bold conviction that we are all created equal.it was extended and preserved in the 19th century, when our nation spread across the continent, saved the union, and abolished the awful scourge of slavery.then, in turmoil and triumph, that promise exploded onto the world stage to make this the american century.and what a century it has been.america became the world s mightiest industrial power;saved the world from tyranny in two world wars and a long cold war;and time and again, reached out across the globe to millions who, like us, longed for the blessings of liberty.when last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today.we vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.in these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement.america stands alone as the world s in “克林顿总统第二次就职演说”版权归作者所有；转载请注明出处!each and every one of us, in our own way, must assume personal america.the divide of race has been america s constant curse.and each new wave of immigrants gives new targets to old prejudices.prejudice and contempt, cloaked in the pretense of religious or political conviction are no different.(applause.)these forces have nearly destro篇三：克林顿1993年首任就职演讲稿

克林顿首任就职演说1993 my fellow citizens : today we celebrate the mystery of american renewal.this ceremony is held in the depth of winter.but, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.a spring reborn in the worlds oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent america.when our founders boldly declared americas independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty, they knew that america, to endure, would have to change.not change for changes sake, but change to preserve americas ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.each generation of americans must define what it means to be an american.today, a generation raised in the shadows of the cold war assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the worlds strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.when george washington first took the oath i have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.with people all across the earth.profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.we know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.but we have not done so.instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.and americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.we must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.from our revolution, the civil war, to the great depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.thomas jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.let us embrace it.our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.there is nothing wrong with america that cannot be cured by what is right with america.opportunity.it will not be easy;it will require sacrifice.but it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake.we must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.this beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.and so i say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of america.let us resolve to make our government a place for what franklin roosevelt called bold, persistent experimentation, a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.to renew america, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.there is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world aids crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.while america rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.but our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.their cause is americas cause.the american people have summoned the change we celebrate today.you have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.you have cast your votes in historic numbers.and you have changed the face of congress, the presidency and the political process itself.yes, you, my fellow americans have forced the spring.now, we must do the work the season demands.in serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other.and we must care for one another.today, we do more than celebrate america;we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of america.an idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge.an idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other.an idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity.an idea infused with the conviction that americas long heroic journey must go forever upward.and so, my fellow americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done.the scripture says, and let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not.thank you, and god bless you all.译文

同胞们: 今天，我们庆祝振兴美国这件令人感到异常惊奇的事。

尽管这个仪式在隆冬举行，但是，我们所说的话，我们向全世界所显示的面貌，将促使春天的早日来临。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家，它给我们带来了重新塑造美国的构想和勇气。

当我们的缔造者们大胆地向全世界宣布美国的独立，向上帝宣布我们的目的时，他们知道，美国要长久地存在下去，就必须改革。我们不是为改革而改革，而是为了保持美国的理想——生活、自由和追求幸福。虽然我们伴随着时代的乐曲前进，我们的使命却是永恒的。每一代美国人都必须明确作为一个美国人意味着什么。

我的前任布什总统为美国服务了半个世纪，在此，我代表我们的国家向他致以崇高的敬意。

我还要向千百万人民表示感谢，他们以坚定的信念和牺牲战胜了经济萧条、法西斯主义。今天，在冷战的阴影下成长起来的一代人在世界上已肩负起新的责任。这个世界虽然沐浴在自由的阳光下，但仍然面临着旧的仇恨和新的灾祸的威胁。

我们在无与伦比的繁荣中成长，继承了一个仍然是世界上最强大经济，但是，商业失败、工资停滞、不平等加剧，以及我们自己的人民四分五裂，削弱了这个经济。当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时，消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今，这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿篇四：克林顿就职演讲稿-中英文对照

克林顿就职演讲稿-中英文对照 do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm much timehas passed since jefferson arrived for his inauguration.the years and changesaccumulate but the themes of this day he would know our nations grand story ofcourage and its simple dream of dignity.we are not this storys author who fills time and eternity with his purpose.yet hispurpose is achieved in our duty and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.nevertiring never yielding never finishing we renew that purpose today to make our countrymore just and generous to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.this work continues.this story goes on.and an angel still rides in the whirlwind anddirects this storm.god bless you all and god bless america.参考中文翻译: 乔治-布什 2001 年就职演说 谢谢大家 尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官，卡特总统，布什总统，克林顿总统，尊敬的来宾们，我的同胞们，这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的，但在美国是平常的。我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。首先，我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献，也感谢副总统戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。站在这里，我很荣幸，也有点受宠若惊。在我之前，许多美国领导人从这里起步在我之后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。在美国悠久的历史中，我们每个人都有自己的位置我们还在继续推动着历史前进，但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史，是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史，是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史，但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺，这就是：每个人都有自身的价值，每个人都有成功的机会，每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命，那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退，但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。在上个世纪的大部分时间里，美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子，把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家，民主不仅仅是一种信念，而是全人类的希望。民主，我们不会独占，而会竭力让大家分享。民主，我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225 年过去了，我们仍有很长的路要走。有很多公民取得了成功，但也有人开始怀疑，怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言，甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的教育，潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时，我们的分歧是如此之深，似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆，但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧，也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一，是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此，我郑重宣誓：我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标，因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们，上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则，我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想，才能使我们心系一处，超越自己，放弃个人利益，并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民，只有接受这些原则，才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色今天，我们在这里重申一个新的信念，即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良，尊重他人，为人公平和宽宏大量。有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道，因为在和平年代，我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是，对我们美国来说，我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业，那么和平将无人来领导如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性，他们的天分将得不到发挥，理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当措施，任凭经济衰退，最大的受害者将是平民百姓。我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺，我们将会享有共同的成就。美国有强大的国力作后盾，将会勇往直前。在 大萧条和战争时期，我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇，克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在，我们正面临着选择，如果我们作出正确的选择，祖辈一定会激励我们如果我们的选择是错误的，祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家，我们必须显示出我们的勇气，敢于面对问题，而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。我们要共同努力，健全美国的学校教育，不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和保险制度，在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收，恢复经济，酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然，懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥，使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白：美国仍将积极参与国际事务，力求世界力量的均衡，让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国，捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。当我们静心思考，我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因，我们都必须承认，孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的，但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。哪里有痛苦，我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说，需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人，而是我们的公民不是负担，而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时，我们大家都会因此变得渺小。对公共安全和大众健康，对民权和学校教育，政府都应负有极大的责任。然而，同情心不只是政府的职责，更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切，有些伤痕是如此的深刻，只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺，都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性，因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界：当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上，我们决不会袖手旁观。正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊，而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益，但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择，而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道，通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务，我们将得到最终自由。我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性依赖于我们的公民义务，家庭纽带和基本的公正依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动，正是它们指引我们走向自由。在生活中，有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是，正如我们时代的一位圣人所言，每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。我为人处事的原则包括：坚信自己而不强加于人，为公众的利益勇往直前，追求正义而不乏同情心，勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切，用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。同胞们，你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益要捍卫既定的改革措施，使其不会轻易被攻击要从身边小事做起，为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民，而不是旁观者，更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民，共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。美国人民慷慨、强大、体面，这并非因为我们信任我们自己，而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了，无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了，无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。在《独立宣言》签署之后，弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰佩齐曾给托马斯杰弗逊写信说：我们知道，身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛，力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗 杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝，美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知，即我们这个时代的主题仍然是：我们国家无畏向前的恢宏故事和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。我们不是这个故事的作者，是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空，并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念，今天我们重树这样的目标：使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨，去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。愿上帝保佑大家愿上帝保佑美国篇五：克林顿1993年就职演讲+(中英文)january 20, 1993, inaugural address of william j.clinton 克林顿1993年就职演讲(中英文)my fellow citizens :（同胞们）today we celebrate the mystery of american renewal.今天，我们庆祝振兴美国这件令人感到异常惊奇的事。this ceremony is held in the depth of winter.but, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring.a spring reborn in the worlds oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent america.尽管这个仪式在隆冬举行，但是，我们所说的话，我们向全世界所显示的面貌，将促使春天的早日来临。春天重新降临到这个世界上最古老的民主国家，它给我们带来了重新塑造美国的构想和勇气。when our founders boldly declared americas independence to the world and our purposes to the almighty, they knew that america, to endure, would have to change.not change for changes sake, but change to preserve americas ideals;life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness.though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless.each generation of americans must define what it means to be an american.当我们的缔造者们大胆地向全世界宣布美国的独立，向上帝宣布我们的目的时，他们知道，美国要长久地存在下去，就必须改革。我们不是为改革而改革，而是为了保持美国的理想——生活、自由和追求幸福。虽然我们伴随着时代的乐曲前进，我们的使命却是永恒的。每一代美国人都必须明确作为一个美国人意味着什么。

我的前任布什总统为美国服务了半个世纪，在此，我代表我们的国家向他致以崇高的敬意。

today, a generation raised in the shadows of the cold war assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.我还要向千百万人民表示感谢，他们以坚定的信念和牺牲战胜了经济萧条、法西斯主义。今天，在冷战的阴影下成长起来的一代人在世界上已肩负起新的责任。这个世界虽然沐浴在自由的阳光下，但仍然面临着旧的仇恨和新的灾祸的威胁。raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the worlds strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.我们在无与伦比的繁荣中成长，继承了一个仍然是世界上最强大经济，但是，商业失败、工资停滞、不平等加剧，以及我们自己的人民四分五裂，削弱了这个经济。when george washington first took the oath i have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat.now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.当乔治华盛顿第一次发出我刚才宣誓信守的誓言时，消息缓慢地通过骑马传遍大陆和乘船漂洋过海。而今，这个仪式的情景和声音可以立即向全世界数十亿人广播。

通讯和商业是全球性的，投资是流动性的，技术几乎是神秘的，而要求改善生活的强烈愿望是全世界人民共同的。今天，我们美国人是和全世界人民在和平竞争中谋求我们的生计。profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.各种根深蒂固和强大的势力正在动摇和重新塑造我们的世界。我们时代迫切需要解决的问题是，我们能否使改革成为我们的朋友，而不是我们的敌人。

尽管这个新的世界已经使千百万能够在其中竞争并取胜的美国人富裕起来了，但是，在大多数人更加拼命地工作而收入却在减少的时候，在还有人根本找不到工作的时候，在卫生保健费用使许多人倾家荡产、使大大小小的企业行将倒闭的时候，在恐惧犯罪而使奉公守法的公民丧失自由的时候，在千百万贫困儿童甚至难以想象我们正召唤他们去过的那种生活的时候，我们却还没有使改革成为我们的朋友。we know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps.but we have not done so.instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.我们知道，我们必须正视严酷的现实并且采取有力的措施，但是，我们没有这样做。相反，我们所奉行的是放任自流的政策，这种政策已经削弱了我们的力量，破坏了我们的经济，动

摇了我们的信心。though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths.and americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people.we must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.虽然我们的挑战是可畏的，但我们的力量也是可畏的。美国人民从来就是一个不甘寂寞、勇于探索和充满希望的人民。我们必须使我们今天的任务体现我们前人的远见和意志。from our revolution, the civil war, to the great depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.从美国革命到南北战争，到大萧条，到民权运动，我们的人民总是下定决心，从这些危机中摆脱出来去建立我们历史的支柱。thomas jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time.well, my fellow citizens, this is our time.let us embrace it.托马斯杰斐逊认为，要保持我们国家的基础，我们就需要不时地进行改革。同胞们，这是我们的时代，让我们去拥抱它。our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal.there is nothing wrong with america that cannot be cured by what is right with america.我们的民主制度不仅要为全世界所仰慕，还必须成为我们自我振兴的发动机。美国完全有能力自己解救自己。

因此，今天我们决心结束这个僵持停顿和放任自流的时代。一个振兴美国的新时代已经到来。要振兴美国，我们必须有足够的勇气和胆量。我们必须对自己的人民——对他们的工作和对他们的未来——增加投资，同时削减我们的巨额债务。在一个我们必须靠竞争才能获得每个机会的世界上，我们一定要这样做。虽然，这不是一件轻而易举的事，它需要作出牺牲。但是，我们能够做到，而且能够做得很好。我们不是为了牺牲而牺牲，而是为我们自己的利益而牺牲。我们必须像一个家庭抚育它的孩子那样抚育我们的国家。our founders saw themselves in the light of posterity.we can do no less.anyone who has ever 我们的缔造者们是从子孙后代的角度来审视他们自己的行为。我们也必须这样做。任何曾经注意过孩子的双眼朦胧进入梦乡的人，都知道后代是什么。后代是未来的世界。为了他们，我们满怀理想。从他们那里，我们借用了这块地球，对他们，我们负有神圣的责任。我们必须尽美国之所能：向所有人提供更多的机会，要求所有人承担更多的责任。现在，已经到了该破除那种只望政府或别人给予，而自己不愿付出的坏习惯的时候了。让我们大家都担负起更多的责任，不光是为我们自己和我们的家庭，而且是我们的社会和我们的国家。为振兴美国，我们必须给我们的民主制度带来新的活力。this beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation.powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.这个美丽的首都，就像文明出现以来的所有首都一样，往往是一个搞阴谋诡计和勾心斗角的地方。达官贵族们玩弄权术、争名夺利，随时都在担心谁进谁出、谁升谁降，忘记了那些用辛勤和汗水把我们送到这里，并为我们承担费用的人。americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better.and so i say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people.let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of america.let us resolve to make our government a place for what franklin roosevelt called bold, persistent experimentation, a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays.let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.美国人应当生活得更好。今天，在这座城市里，人们希望把事情办得更好。所以，我要向在场的诸位说，让我们下定决心改革我们的政治，使人民的呼声不再被权力和特权所压倒。让我们抛开个人利益，这样，我们便能感受到美国的痛苦，也看到美国的希望。让我们下定决心，使我们的政府成为一个富兰克林罗斯福所说的，进行“大胆而持久的实验”的地方，即是说，成为一个着眼于未来，而不是留恋过去的政府。让我们把这个首都还给她所属的人民。

to renew america, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home.there is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic;the world economy, the world environment, the world aids crisis, the world arms race;they affect us all.为了振兴美国，我们必须迎接来自国内、国外的种种挑战。在什么是国外和什么是国内之间已不再有明确的界线。全球经济、全球环境、全球艾滋病危机和全球军备竞赛，这一切影响着所有的人。

今天，随着旧秩序被打破，新的世界更加自由，但又更加不稳定。共产主义的崩溃激起了旧的仇恨和新的危险。显然，美国必须继续领导这个我们曾经付出巨大努力而创造的世界。while america rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world.together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.当我们致力于重建美国的时候，我们不会在这个新世界的挑战面前退缩，也不会坐失良机。我们将同我们的朋友和盟国一道，努力确定改革和发展方向，以免被改革所吞没。

当我们的国家利益受到挑战，或者国际社会的意志及公德遭到蔑视的时候，我们将尽可能地通过和平外交手段去解决。必要时也可以诉诸武力。今天，在波斯湾，在索马里，在其他地方，那些为国效力的美国勇士们都证明了我们的决心。but our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands.across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice.our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom.their cause is americas cause.然而，我们最大的实力是我们的思想力量。在许多国家，美国的思想还是一种新生力量。看到这些思想为世界各国所接受，我们感到由衷的高兴。我们的希望、我们的心，我们的手，同五大洲正在建设民主和自由的人民是联在一起的。他们的事业就是美国的事业。the american people have summoned the change we celebrate today.you have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus.you have cast your votes in historic numbers.and you have changed the face of congress, the presidency and the political process itself.yes, you, my fellow americans have forced the spring.now, we must do the work the season demands.美国人民呼唤我们今天庆祝的变革。你们异口同声地提高了自己的呼声。你们以前所未有的人数参加了投票。你们改变了国会、总统以及政治进程本身的面貌。同胞们，是的，你们已经促使春天提前到来了。现在，我们必须致力于这个时期所赋予我们的任务。

第四篇：肯尼迪总统就职演讲

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和丅平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由丅行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共丅产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政丅府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和丅平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主丅权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和丅平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和丅平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和丅平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政丅府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作

第五篇：卡特总统就职演讲

1977年美国总统卡特就职演说 Inaugural Address by Jimmy Carter

(January 20, 1977)

For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land.In this outward and physical ceremony we attest once again to the inner and spiritual strength of our Nation.As my high school teacher, Miss Julia Coleman, used to say: “We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles.”

Here before me is the Bible used in the inauguration of our first President, in 1789, and I have just taken the oath of office on the Bible my mother gave me a few years ago, opened to a timeless admonition from the ancient prophet Micah: “He hath showed thee, O man, what is good;and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God.”(Micah 6:8)

This inauguration ceremony marks a new beginning, a new dedication within our Government, and a new spirit among us all.A President may sense and proclaim that new spirit, but only a people can provide it.Two centuries ago our Nation's birth was a milestone in the long quest for freedom, but the bold and brilliant dream which excited the founders of this Nation still awaits its consummation.I have no new dream to set forth today, but rather urge a fresh faith in the old dream.Ours was the first society openly to define itself in terms of both spirituality and of human liberty.It is that unique self-definition which has given us an exceptional appeal, but it also imposes on us a special obligation, to take on those moral duties which, when assumed, seem invariably to be in our own best interests.You have given me a great responsibility--to stay close to you, to be worthy of you, and to exemplify what you are.Let us create together a new national spirit of unity and trust.Your strength can compensate for my weakness, and your wisdom can help to minimize my mistakes.Let us learn together and laugh together and work together and pray together, confident that in the end we will triumph together in the right.The American dream endures.We must once again have full faith in our country and in one another.I believe America can be better.We can be even stronger than before.Let our recent mistakes bring a resurgent commitment to the basic principles of our Nation, for we know that if we despise our own government we have no future.We recall in special times when we have stood briefly, but magnificently, united.In those times no prize was beyond our grasp.But we cannot dwell upon remembered glory.We cannot afford to drift.We reject the prospect of failure or mediocrity or an inferior quality of life for any person.Our Government must at the same time be both competent and compassionate.We have already found a high degree of personal liberty, and we are now struggling to enhance equality of opportunity.Our commitment to human rights must be absolute, our laws fair, our natural beauty preserved;the powerful must not persecute the weak, and human dignity must be enhanced.We have learned that “more” is not necessarily “better,” that even our great Nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.We cannot afford to do everything, nor can we afford to lack boldness as we meet the future.So, together, in a spirit of individual sacrifice for the common good, we must simply do our best.Our Nation can be strong abroad only if it is strong at home.And we know that the best way to enhance freedom in other lands is to demonstrate here that our democratic system is worthy of emulation.To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others.We will not behave in foreign places so as to violate our rules and standards here at home, for we know that the trust which our Nation earns is essential to our strength.The world itself is now dominated by a new spirit.Peoples more numerous and more politically aware are craving and now demanding their place in the sun--not just for the benefit of their own physical condition, but for basic human rights.The passion for freedom is on the rise.Tapping this new spirit, there can be no nobler nor more ambitious task for America to undertake on this day of a new beginning than to help shape a just and peaceful world that is truly humane.We are a strong nation, and we will maintain strength so sufficient that it need not be proven in combat--a quiet strength based not merely on the size of an arsenal, but on the nobility of ideas.We will be ever vigilant and never vulnerable, and we will fight our wars against poverty, ignorance, and injustice--for those are the enemies against which our forces can be honorably marshaled.We are a purely idealistic Nation, but let no one confuse our idealism with weakness.Because we are free we can never be indifferent to the fate of freedom elsewhere.Our moral sense dictates a clearcut preference for these societies which share with us an abiding respect for individual human rights.We do not seek to intimidate, but it is clear that a world which others can dominate with impunity would be inhospitable to decency and a threat to the well-being of all people.The world is still engaged in a massive armaments race designed to ensure continuing equivalent strength among potential adversaries.We pledge perseverance and wisdom in our efforts to limit the world's armaments to those necessary for each nation's own domestic safety.And we will move this year a step toward ultimate goal--the elimination of all nuclear weapons from this Earth.We urge all other people to join us, for success can mean life instead of death.Within us, the people of the United States, there is evident a serious and purposeful rekindling of confidence.And I join in the hope that when my time as your President has ended, people might say this about our Nation:

that we had remembered the words of Micah and renewed our search for humility, mercy, and justice;

that we had torn down the barriers that separated those of different race and region and religion, and where there had been mistrust, built unity, with a respect for diversity;that we had found productive work for those able to perform it;

that we had strengthened the American family, which is the basis of our society;

that we had ensured respect for the law, and equal treatment under the law, for the weak and the powerful, for the rich and the poor;

and that we had enabled our people to be proud of their own Government once again.I would hope that the nations of the world might say that we had built a lasting peace, built not on weapons of war but on international policies which reflect our own most precious values.These are not just my goals, and they will not be my accomplishments, but the affirmation of our Nation's continuing moral strength and our belief in an undiminished, ever-expanding American dream.