第一篇：【美国总统演讲】2015.10.24保护地球造福后代
美国总统奥巴马每周演讲2015.10.24
保护地球 造福子孙后代
Weekly Address: Protecting our Planet for Future Generation
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华盛顿：在本周的讲话中，奥巴马总统强调了做好环境保护工作的重要性，要为子孙后代保护好地球。自就任总统以来就一直以保护美国的生态为要务。他一再强调，没有什么比气候变化能对我们的未来造成更大的威胁，因此，他已经在国内采取了大量大胆的举措，并通过海外合作鼓励其它国家加入进来。在他的讲话中，他力促国会为―陆地和水域保护基金‖重新授权并提供全面的资金支持，该组织在过去的半个世纪里保护了超过500万英亩的土地，这些工作没有花纳税人一分钱。而国会的共和党人不顾两党的共同支持，终止了这个项目。最后他提醒我们所有人都要作出努力，共同应对气候变化，提高清洁能源使用量，提高能源利用效率，将更干净、更稳定的生态环境留给我们的子孙后代。
WASHINGTON, DC — In this week's address, the President laid out the importanceof serving as good stewards of the environment and maintaining the planet forgenerations to come.Since taking office the President has prioritized protecting theplaces that make America special.He has repeatedly said that no challenge poses agreater threat to our future than a changing climate, which is why he’s taken boldactions at home and encouraged historic action abroad on the issue.In his address,he encouraged Congress to reauthorize and fully fund the Land and WaterConservation Fund which has protected more than 5 million acres of land for morethan half a century, without costing taxpayers a dime.Republicans in Congress letthe fund expire despite strong bipartisan support.And he reminded us that we allhave to do our part to address climate change, promote clean energy and energyefficiency, and ensure a cleaner, more stable environment for future generations.Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address The White House October 24, 2015
Hi, everybody.Our country is home to some of the most beautiful God-given landscapes in theworld.We’re blessed with natural treasures – from the Grand Tetons to the Grand Canyon;fromlush forests and vast deserts to lakes and rivers teeming with wildlife.And it’s our responsibility toprotect these treasures for future generations, just as previous generations protected them forus.Since taking office, I’ve set aside more than 260 million acres of public lands and waters – morethan any President in history.Last month, we announced that 11 states had come together withranchers, and industry groups to protect a threatened species – the sage grouse – withoutjeopardizing local economies.Two weeks ago, we announced that we’re creating one new marinesanctuary on the Potomac River in Maryland, and another along Lake Michigan in Wisconsin – partof unprecedented efforts to restore the Chesapeake Bay and the Great Lakes.We also joined acoalition of countries cracking down on illegal fishing that threatens jobs and food security aroundthe globe.And I’m going to keep protecting the places that make America special, and thelivelihoods of those who depend on them.We’ll also keep doing what we can to prevent the worst effects of climate change before it’s toolate.Over the past six years, we’ve led by example, generating more clean energy and loweringour carbon emissions.Our businesses have stepped up in a big way, including just this past week.Some of our biggest companies made new commitments to act on climate – not just because it’sgood for the planet, but because it’s good for their bottom line.This is how America is leading on the environment.And because America is leading by example, 150 countries, representing over 85% of global emissions, have now laid out plans to reduce theirlevels of the harmful carbon pollution that warms our planet.And it gives us great momentumgoing into Paris this December, where the world needs to come together and build on theseindividual commitments with an ambitious, long-term agreement to protect this Earth for our kids.Now Congress has to do its job.This month, even as Republicans in Congress barely managed tokeep our government open, they shut down something called the Land and Water ConservationFund.For more than half a century, this fund has protected more than 5 million acres of land –from playgrounds to parks to priceless landscapes – all without costing taxpayers a dime.Nearlyevery single county in America has benefited from this program.It has bipartisan support in boththe House and the Senate.Republicans in Congress should reauthorize and fully fund the Landand Water Conservation Fund without delay.After all, as Pope Francis reminds us so eloquently, this planet is a gift from God – and our commonhome.We should leave it to our kids in better shape than we found it.Thanks, and have a great weekend.
第二篇：造福后代毛概选择题
《毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系概论》期末单选、多选题库及答案。本人花了很长时间在学校网站的精品题库里贴过来的（老师指定的哦），题目很多，但是还得全看。资源共享！来源： 纪海林的日志
第一章 马克思主义中国化的历史进程和理论成果
一、单项选择题
1.在中国共产党的历史上，第一次鲜明地提出“马克思主义中国化”的命题和任务的会议是（）
A.党的二大 B.遵义会议
C.党的六届六中全会 D.党的七大
2.马克思主义与中国实际相结合的第一次历史性飞跃的理论成果是（）A.三民主义 B.新民主主义 C.毛泽东思想 D.邓小平理论
3.在中国共产党的历史上，把毛泽东思想正式确立为党的指导思想的会议是（）A.遵义会议 B.党的六届六中全会 C.党的七大 D.党的七届二中全会 4.毛泽东思想基本形成是在（）A.国民革命时期 B.土地革命前、中期 C.抗日战争时期 D.解放战争时期
5.毛泽东思想达到成熟的标志是（）
A.新民主主义理论科学体系的形成 B.农村包围城市革命道路理论的形成 C.新民主主义革命基本经验的提出 D.毛泽东军事路线的完整形成 6.毛泽东思想最显著、最本质的特点是（）
A.全党集体智慧的结晶 B.马克思主义与中国实际相结合
C.具有中国风格和中国气派 D.是在同各种反马克思主义思潮的斗争中产生的 7.马克思主义中国化历史飞跃的第二大理论成果是（）A.毛泽东思想 B.中国特色社会主义理论体系
C.“三个代表”重要思想 D.科学发展观
8.邓小平正式提出“建设有中国特色的社会主义”科学命题是在（）A.党的十一届三中全会上 B.党的十一届六中全会上 C.党的十二大上 D.党的十三大上
9.我们党正式提出“邓小平理论”这一科学概念是在（）A.党的十三大上 B.党的十四大上 C.党的十五大上 D.党的十六大上
10.建设有中国特色社会主义理论首要的基本理论问题是（）A.社会主义的根本任务问题 B.社会主义的发展阶段问题
C.社会主义的发展动力问题 D.什么是社会主义，怎样建设社会主义的问题 11.“三个代表”重要思想的根本出发点和落脚点是（）A.实现社会主义现代化 B.发展社会主义社会生产力
C.发展社会主义民主,尊重和保障人权 D.实现人民愿望、满足人民需要、维护人民利益 12.胡锦涛指出，我们学习《江泽民文选》必须牢牢把握的主题是（）A.建设中国特色社会主义 B.以经济建设为中心
C.完善社会主义民主和法制 D.加强社会主义精神文明建设 13.贯彻“三个代表”重要思想，关键在（2004年考研题）A.坚持党的先进性
B.坚持执政为民 C.坚持党的阶级性 D.坚持与时俱进
14.贯彻“三个代表”重要思想，核心在（）A.坚持党的先进性 B.坚持执政为民
C.坚持党的阶级性 D.坚持与时俱进
15.贯彻“三个代表”重要思想，本质在（）A.坚持党的先进性 B.坚持执政为民
C.坚持党的阶级性
D.坚持与时俱进
16.“三个代表”重要思想是我们党的立党之本、执政之基、力量之源，这里的“本”、“基”、“源”说到底就是（2004年考研题）A.发展先进生产力
B.发展先进文化
C.人民群众的支持和拥护
D.人民群众生活水平的提高 17.科学发展观的根本方法是（）(2009年考研题)A.把发展作为第一要义 B.以人为本 C.统筹兼顾 D.全面协调发展
18.我们党的文件中第一次提出科学发展观是在（）
A.《中共中央关于完善社会主义市场经济体制若干问题的决定》中 B.《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》中
C.《中共中央关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》中
D.《中共中央关于制定国民经济和社会发展第十一个五年规划的建议》中 19.科学发展观的内涵极为丰富，其本质和核心是（）A.全面发展 B.协调发展 C.以人为本 D.可持续发展 20.科学发展观的第一要义是（）A.以人为本 B.稳定 C.改革 D.发展
二、多项选择题
1.马克思主义中国化的基本要求是（）
A.必须坚持马克思主义基本原理与中国具体实际相结合 B.坚持科学理论的指导 C.坚定不移地走自己的路 D.反对教条主义 2.毛泽东思想的科学内涵是：（）A.马克思列宁主义在中国的运用和发展
B.被实践证明了的关于中国革命和建设的正确的理论原则和经验总结 C.中国共产党集体智慧的结晶 D.是毛泽东个人的独创 3.毛泽东思想基本形成的标志是：（）
A.以乡村为中心的思想的提出 B.实事求是思想路线的提出
C.新民主主义革命基本思想的提出 D.无产阶级领导权思想的提出
4.邓小平理论是马克思主义在中国发展的新阶段，这是因为它（）A.开拓了马克思主义的新境界
B.把对社会主义的认识提高到了新的科学水平
C.对当今时代特征和国际形势作出了新的科学判断
D.形成了新的建设有中国特色社会主义理论的科学体系
5.“三个代表”重要思想表明党对“三个规律”的认识达到新的高度，“三个规律”即（）A.共产党的执政规律 B.社会主义建设规律 C.改革开放的规律 D.人类社会发展的规律
6.“三个代表”中的每个“代表”，都有其特定的内涵和要求，但它们是辩证统一的，三者之间的辨证关系是（）
A.发展先进生产力是发展先进文化的基础，是实现最广大人民根本利益的前提 B.发展先进文化是发展先进生产力，实现最广大人民根本利益的重要思想保证 C.实现最广大人民群众的根本利益是发展先进生产力和先进文化的根本目的 D.不断发展先进生产力和先进文化归根到底是为了人民
7.“三个代表”重要思想深化了对中国特色社会主义的认识，表现在（）A.进一步回答了什么是社会主义，怎样建设社会主义的问题 B.明确提出了解放思想.实事求是的思想路线
C.创造性地回答了建设一个什么样的党，怎样建设党的问题 D.确定了党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线
8.以人为本是科学发展观的本质和核心。以人为本中的“人”是指（）A.具体的、现实的人 B.广大人民群众 C.作为个体的个人 D.社会全体成员 9.科学发展观的基本要求是（）
A.以人为本 B.全面发展 C.协调发展 D.可持续发展
一、1C 2C 3C 4B 5A 6B 7B 8C 9C 10D 11D 12A 13D 14A 15B 16C 17C 18A 19C 20D
二、1ABC 2ABC 3AB 4ABCD 5ABD 6ABCD 7AC 8ABD 9BCD 第二章 马克思主义中国化理论成果的精髓
一、单项选择题：
1、毛泽东对“实事求是”这句话作了科学解释的著作是()A.《改造我们的学习》 B.《论联合政府》
C.《关于领导方法的若干问题》 D.《论人民民主专政》
2、在我党的领导人中，比较早地明确使用“群众路线”这个科学概念的是()A.毛泽东 B.周恩来 C.刘少奇 D.邓小平
3、我党第一次独立自主解决党内重大问题的会议是()A.八七会议 B.遵义会议 C.中共三大 D.中共六大
4、中国革命和建设的基本立足点是()A.艰苦奋斗 B.实事求是 C.独立自主 D.争取外援
5、毛泽东在哪篇著作中把“和最广大的人民群众取得最密切的联系”作为中国共产党人区别于其他任何政党的三个显著标志之一()A.《关于领导方法的若干问题》 B.《论联合政府》 C.《〈共产党人〉发刊词》 D.《反对本本主义》
6、中国共产党的根本宗旨和一切工作的根本出发点是()A.一切为了群众，全心全意为人民服务
B.实事求是 C.批评与自我批评 D.理论联系实际
7、毛泽东在下列哪篇文章中提出了“没有调查，就没有发言权”的著名论断()A.《改造我们的学习》 B.《整顿党的作风》 C.《反对党八股》 D.《反对本本主义》
8、在下列著作中，毛泽东把教条主义者比喻为“墙上芦苇，头重脚轻根底浅；山间竹笋，嘴尖皮厚腹中空”的是()A.《改造我们的学习》 B.《整顿党的作风》 C.《反对本本主义》 D.《为人民服务》
9、毛泽东在《关于领导方法的若干问题》中提出的著名口号是()A.一切为了群众、一切依靠群众.B.从群众中来、到群众中去 C.没有调查，就没有发言权 D.没有正确的调查同样没有发言权
10、中国共产党同其他一切剥削阶级政党的根本区别是()A.发展生产力 B.消灭剥削 C.有无群众观点 D.消除腐败
11、毛泽东思想的本质特征是()A、马克思主义的共产主义目标
B、马克思主义的为人民服务的宗旨 C、马克思主义注重解放和发展生产力
D、马克思主义同中国实际相结合
二、多项选择题
1.毛泽东思想的活的灵魂之一——实事求是基本要求是()A．理论与实际相统一 B．调查研究 C．反对教条主义和经验主义 D．解放思想
2.刘少奇在中共七大关于修改党章的报告中所概括的群众观点的基本内容是()A．一切为了人民群众、全心全意为人民服务的观点 B．从群众来，到群众中去
C．一切向人民群众负责，相信群众解放自己的观点 D．向人民群众学习的观点 3.解放思想的科学内涵包括：()A、以马克思主义为指导 B、研究新情况，解决新问题 C、打破习惯势力和主观偏见，是主观认识和客观实际一致 D大胆假设，小心求证 E、开拓马克思主义境界 4.毛泽东思想活的灵魂的主要方面是()A.实事求是 B.群众路线 C.独立自主 D.谦虚谨慎
5、实事求是思想路线的极端重要性主要表现在()A.它是辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的思想路线 B.它是毛泽东思想的根本出发点 C.它是毛泽东思想的精髓
D.它是中国革命和建设事业不断取得胜利的根本思想保证
6、延安整风运动中，毛泽东提出的做好调查研究工作必须注意的两个问题是()A.向群众调查实际材料
B.要有正确的调查研究的态度和方法 C.必须做正确的调查 D.必须反对主观主义
7、在当代中国，马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论是一脉相承的科学体系，这是因为它们在哪几方面高度统一()A．理论基础 B．原则立场 C．思想方法 D．历史革命
8、毛泽东在《论联合政府》中指出坚持群众路线必须反对的错误倾向是()A.形式主义 B.主观主义 C.尾巴主义 D.命令主义
9、《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》的主要内容是()A.科学地总结了建国32年的历史，B.实事求是地评价了毛泽东的历史地位，评价了毛泽东思想。C.高度评价了关于真理标准问题的讨论
D.肯定十一届三中全会以来确立的社会主义现代化建设的正确道路际出发，理论联系实际
10、实事求是是中国共产党人始终坚持的思想路线是指()A.一切从实际出发，B.把马克思主义普遍真理同中国革命与建设的具体实践相结合 C.实践是检验标准的惟一标准 D.批评与自我批评
11、江泽民在《毛泽东同志诞辰一百周年纪念大会上的讲话》中指出，正确评价毛泽东同志的历史功过，确立毛泽东思想的历史地位关系到()A．怎样看待党和国家几十年奋斗的历史 B．党的团结
C．党和国家未来的发展道路 D．马克思主义的思想路线、政治路线
12、坚持与时俱进，就是党的全部理论和全部工作要（2005年考研题）A、体现时代性 B、把握规律性 C、富于创造性 D、注重协调性
13、“三个代表”中的每个“代表”，都有其特定的内涵和要求，但它们是辩证统一的，“三个代表”重要思想的基本内涵和相互关系是()A.发展先进生产力是发展先进文化，实现最广大人民群众根本利益的基础条件
B.发展先进文化为发展先进生产力，实现最广大人民群众的根本利益提供强大的精神动力、智力支持和思想保证
C.实现最广大人民群众的根本利益是发展先进生产力和先进文化的根本目的 D.不断发展先进生产力和先进文化归根到底是为了人民
一、单项选择题：
1、A、2、A、3、B、4、C、5、B、6、A、7、C、8、A、9、B、10、C、11、B
二、多项选择题：
1、ACD、2、ABCD、3、ABC、4、ABC、5、ABCD、6、AB、7、ABC、8、CD、9、ABD、10、ABC、11、AC、12、ABC、13、ABCD、第三章 新民主主义革命理论
一、单项选择题
1.在近代中国社会的诸多矛盾中，最主要的矛盾是（）A.帝国主义与中华民族的矛盾 B.封建主义与人民大众的矛盾 C.反动统治阶级内部的矛盾 D.资产阶级与无产阶级的矛盾 2.区分新、旧民主主义革命的主要标志是（）A.革命纲领不同 B.革命路线不同
C.革命方法不同 D.革命领导力量不同
3.新民主主义革命总路线的核心是（）A.无产阶级的领导 B.人民大众的参与 C.反帝反封建 D.反官僚资本主义
4新民主主义革命的终极前途是（）
A.资本主义 B.新民主主义 C.社会主义 D.三民主义 5新民主主义共和国的国体是（）A.资产阶级专政 B.无产阶级专政
C.农民民主专政 D.各革命阶级联合专政
6、中国革命的中心问题是（）。
A．工人问题 B．农民问题 C．地主问题 D．资本家问题
7、中国革命最主要的依靠力量是：()。
A．工人和农民 B．农民 C．民族资产阶级 D．农民和小资产阶级
8、中国革命中无产阶级领导权的核心问题是（）。A．对农民的领导 B．同民族资产阶级结盟 C．团结小资产阶级 D．反对资产阶级
9、中国革命的主要斗争形式是（）。
A.政治斗争 B.武装斗争 C.合法斗争 D.秘密斗争 10、1927年9月下旬，毛泽东率领秋收起义的部队来到江西省永新县三湾村，进行了著名的三湾改编，确立了人民军队建设的根本原则，这一原则是（2008年考研题）A.党指挥枪 B.官兵平等 C.拥政爱民 D.一切行动听指挥
二、多项选择题
1.新民主主义革命的对象是（）
A.民族资产阶级 B.帝国主义 C.官僚资本主义 D.封建主义 2.新民主主义革命的动力包括（）
A.无产阶级 B.农民阶级 C.城市小资产阶级 D.民族资产阶级 3.中国共产党在中国革命中战胜敌人的三大法宝是（）A.统一战线 B.武装斗争 C.党的建设 D.独立自主
4.中国红色政权能够存在和发展的主观条件有（）A.中国的政治经济不平衡 B.全国革命形势在向前发展 C.共产党政策的正确 D.相当力量的正式红军的存在
5.中国革命走农村包围城市、武装夺取政权的道路必须处理好的关系是（）A.土地革命 B.武装斗争 C.根据地建设 D.党的建设
一、1A 2D 3A 4C 5D 6B 7A 8A 9B10A
二、1BCD 2ABCD 3ABC 4CD 5ABC 第四章 社会主义改造的理论
一、单项选择题
1.中华人民共和国的成立，标志着中国已从半殖民地半封建社会进入到（）A.资本主义社会 B.新民主主义社会 C.社会主义社会 D.共产主义社会
2.建国初期，建立社会主义国营经济的主要途径是（）A.没收帝国主义在华企业 B.没收官僚资本
C.赎买民族资产阶级的财产 D.剥夺地主阶级土地和财产 3.1950年6月，中央人民政府颁布的土地法是（）A.《中国土地法大纲》 B.《中华人民共和国土地法》 C.《中国土地改革法》 D.《中华人民共和国土地改革法》 4.1951年至1952年“五反”运动开展的领域是（）A.国营企业 B.私营企业 C.党政机关 D.合作社
5、党在过渡时期的总路线和总任务是（）
A.无产阶级领导的，人民大众的，反对帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义的革命 B.在一个相当长的时期内，逐步实现国家的社会主义工业化，并逐步实现国家对农业、手工业和资本主义工商业的社会主义改造
C.鼓足干劲，力争上游，多快好省地建设社会主义
D.以经济建设为中心，坚持四项基本原则，坚持改革开放，自力更生，艰苦创业，为把我国建设成富强、民主、文明的社会主义现代化国家而奋斗 6、1953年9月，毛泽东在对民主党派和工商界部分代表讲话时指出：改造资本主义工商业和逐步完成社会主义过渡的必经之路是（）A.剥夺资本家的财产 B.排挤私营工商业 C.国家资本主义 D.保护民族工商业
7、我国对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造采取的政策是（）A.经销代销 B.和平赎买 C.统购包销 D.加工订货 8、1956年我国在生产资料所有制的社会主义改造基本完成后，开始进入（）A．新民主主义时期 B．国民经济恢复时期
C．从新民主主义向社会主义过渡时期 D．全面建设社会主义时期
9、中国共产党七届三中全会提出的中心任务是（）
A．消灭国民党反动派残余势力 B.争取国家财政经济状况的好转 C．在新解放区完成土地改革 D.合理调整工商业
10、中国在对资本主义改造中在利润上采取的是()A.统筹兼顾 B.劳资两利 C.公私兼顾 D.四马分肥
11、在农业社会主义改造中拥有社会主义性质的是()A.临时互助组 B.初级社 C.高级社 D.人民公社
12、建国之初，在土地改革中对待富农的土地采取的政策是()A.征收富农的多余土地 B.消灭富农经济 C.保存富农经济 D.限制富农经济
13、社会主义改造的实质是()A.消灭生产资料私有制 B.消灭生活资料私有制 C.消灭资本主义经济 D.消灭个体经济
14、社会主义过渡时期总路线错误的说法是()A.实现社会主义工业化、农业手工业和资本主义工商业的社会主义改造 B.过渡时期结束的标志是社会主义改造结束
C.以单一的社会主义公有制和计划经济体制为目标 D.以中国特色社会主义为目标
15、社会主义改造中最具有中国特色的对马克思主义社会主义学说贡献最大的是对(A.对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造 B.对农业的社会主义改造 C.对手工业的社会主义改造 D.社会主义工业化道路
16、在农业社会主义改造中建立的初级农业生产合作社属于（2004年考研题）A.新民主主义性质 B.社会主义萌芽性质 C、半社会主义性质 D、社会主义性质
17、我国对个体手工业进行社会主义改造的主要方式是()A.赎买 B.统购统销 C.公私合营 D.合作化
二、多项选择题
1.新民主主义革命在全国胜利并解决土地问题以后，我国国内的主要矛盾是()A.工人阶级和资产阶级的矛盾 B.经济基础和上层建筑的矛盾 C.社会主义道路和资本主义道路的矛盾 D.先进的生产关系和落后的生产力之间的矛盾 E.落后农业国和先进工业国的矛盾
2.新中国成立初期的新民主义经济成分有()A.国营经济 B.合作经济 C.国家资本主义经济 D.个体经济 E.私人资本主义经济
3、建国之初的国营经济的来源有())A．解放区原有的公营经济 B．没收的官僚资本 C．收回的外国资本企业 D．没收的地主土地 4.1951年至1952年开展的“三反”运动的主要内容有()A.反贪污 B.反浪费 C.反行贿 D.反偷税漏税 E.反官僚 5.具有中国特点的社会主义改造道路的内容是()A.社会主义工业化和社会主义改造同时并举
B.通过一系列逐步过渡的由低级到高级的社会主义改造形式 C.和平改造特别是对资产阶级实现了和平赎买 D.对内改造和对外开放相结合
E.对经济制度的改造和对人的改造相结合
6、中国从新民主主义向社会主义过渡的条件主要是()A．近代中国资本主义经济及现代工业初步发展 B．社会主义国营经济的壮大
C．无产阶级政党的领导和人民民主专政的国家政权 D．有利的国际因素
7、在中国进行社会主义改造的目的是()A.消灭资本家 B.确立社会主义生产关系
C.健全社会主义上层建筑 D.继续解放和发展生产力
8、我国对资本主义工商业的社会主义改造采取由低级到高级的国家资本主义的过渡形式有()A.委托加工、计划定货B.委托经销代销 C.统购包销D.公私合营和全行业公私合营
9、新中国成立后，国家对私人资本主义采取的赎买政策有()A．“四马分肥” B．定息 C．公私合营 D．全行业公私合营
10、我国对农业进行社会主义改造的方针是()A.自愿互利 B.典型示范 C.稳步前进 D.积极领导
11、我国对个体农业实行社会主义改造必须遵循的原则有()A.自愿互利 B.典型示范 C.国家帮助 D.公私兼顾
12、全行业公私合营前，国家对资本主义工商业采取的赎买政策是“四马分肥”，其中“四马”是指：()A.国家所得税 B.企业公积金 C.工人福利费 D.资本家的红利 E、资本家的定息
13、具有中国特点的社会主义改造道路的内容是：()A.社会主义工业化和社会主义改造同时并举
B.通过一系列逐步过渡的由低级到高级的社会主义改造形式 C.和平改造特别是对资产阶级实现了和平赎买 D.对经济制度的改造与对人的改造相结合
14、我国的社会主义改造是一场伟大的社会变革，但是在改造过程中也出现了一些偏差，遗留了一些问题，具体表现在()A.所有制结构过于单一
B.在社会主义公有制已居于绝对统治地位的条件下，没有限度地保留一部分有益于国计民生的个体经济和私营经济
C.高度集中的计划经济体制也随之扩大到整个社会经济生活
D.在一定程度上排斥了商品经济和市场经济的正常运行，要求过急，发展过快，工作过粗，改造形式过于简单
15、下列对新民主主义社会的说法中正确的是()A.是一种过渡性质的社会阶段 B.不是一个完整的社会形态 C.具有两种社会形态的因素
D.是半殖民地半封建社会走向社会主义社会的中介和桥梁
16、中国由新民主主义社会向社会主义社会转变的主客观条件和必然性在于()A.政治上实现了全国大陆的解放和统一，建立了各级地方人民政权，提供了强有力的政治保障
B.经济上没收了官僚买办资本，建立了社会主义性质的国家经济，奠定了相当的物质基础 C.初步积累了利用、限制、改造私营工商业和引导农民进行互助合作的实践经验 D.二战后欧亚一批国家先后走上社会主义道路，形成了以苏联为首的社会主义阵营 17、1949年10月1日，中华人民共和国的成立标志着（2004年考研题）A.中国新民主主义革命基本胜利 B.中国进入了社会主义社会 C.中国进入了新民主主义社会 D.半殖民地半封建社会的结束
18、从社会发展的主体选择性的角度看，中国人民走上社会主义道路，其原因在于（2002年考研题）
A.社会主义符合中国人民根本利益的要求 B.在历史进程中没有多种道路可供人们选择 C.中国人民在国际交往中受到俄国十月社会主义革命的历史启示 D.中国共产党对历史必然性及本国国情的正确把握 E.人们可以自由选择社会制度并决定社会发展的方向
19、我国对个体农业进行社会主义改造的成功经验主要有 A.在土地改革基础上，不失时机地引导个体农民走互助合作道路 B.遵循自愿互利、典型示范、国家帮助的原则 C.实行“三级所有、队为基础”的农村集体经济体制 D.在有条件的地区推广农业生产责任制
E.采取从互助到初级合作社到高级合作社的逐步过渡形式
一、单项选择题
1-5 BBBBB 6-10CBDDD 11-15CCACA 16C17D
二、多项选择题：
1、AC
2、ABCDE
3、ABC
4、ABE、5、ABCE、6、ABCD
7、B
8、ABCD
9、ABCD
10、CD
11、ABC
12、ABCD
13、ABCD
14、ABCD 15ABCD 16ABCD 17ACD 18ACD 19ABE 第五章 社会主义本质和根本任务
一、单项选择题：
1.毛泽东探索中国社会主义建设道路第一个标志性的重要理论成果是：（）A.《论人民民主专政》 B.《论十大关系》
C.《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》 D.《关于目前的形势与任务》 2.邓小平正式提出“社会主义本质”概念是在（）A.1980年4月至5月间 B.1979年10月 C.1982年9月 D.1983年4月
3.1992年春邓小平在南方谈话中提出了（）
A.实践标准 B.人民利益标 C.生产力标准 D.“三个有利于”标准 4.社会主义的根本任务是：（）
A.变革生产关系 B.实现共同富裕 C.发展生产力 D.消灭剥削 5.社会主义发展生产力的根本目的是（）A.实现共同富裕 B.消除两极分化 C.消灭剥削 D.实现同步富裕 6.邓小平社会主义本质理论发展了马克思主义的：（）A.剩余价值的理论 B.科学社会主义理论 C.无产阶级专政理论 D.劳动创造价值的理论 7.邓小平指出解决中国所有问题的关键是：（）A.减少人口 B.改进执政方式 C.发展 D.改革 8．中国的发展是以：（）
A.改革开放为中心 B.经济建设为中心
C.坚持四项基本原则为中心 D.加强党的领导为中心 9.“科学技术是第一生产力”的论断是：（）
A.由孙中山提出的 B.毛泽东提出的 C.邓小平提出的 D.江泽民提出的
10.发展是党执政兴国第一要务的论断是：（）A.党的十四大提出的 B.党的十五大提出的 C.党十五届三中全会提出的 D.党的十六大提出的
11、什么是社会主义，核心是要科学认识（）A.社会主义发展阶段 B.社会主义的发展战略 C.社会主义的本质 D.社会主义根本任务
12、消灭剥削的物质前提是（）
A.实行社会主义公有制 B.实行按劳分配 C.实行人民民主专政 D.生产力高度发达
13、解决社会主义初级阶段的主要矛盾的过程，也就是社会主义初级阶段通过（现社会由不发达状态向发达状态转变的历史过程。A.改革开放 B.解放和发展生产力 C.发展科技教育文化 D.全国人民艰苦奋斗
14、邓小平指出：“贫穷不是社会主义，社会主义要消灭贫穷。”这个判断（）A．指出了社会主义的根本任务 B．概括了社会主义建设的目标 C．明确了社会主义的发展方向 D．体现了社会主义本质的要求），实
15、邓小平理论中，关于建设中国特色社会主义首先要搞清楚的首要基本理论问题是（）A．解放思想，实事求是 B．社会主义初级阶段
C．是姓“资”还是姓“社”的判断标准 D．什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义 16、1955年底在党内首先提出如何以苏联经验为戒，探索适合中国国情的社会主义建设道路的重大问题的是（）
A.毛泽东 B.周恩来 C.陈云 D.邓小平17、1956年中共八大提出我国国内的主要矛盾是（）
A．人民大众同帝国主义、封建主义及其走狗国民党反动派残余势力的矛盾 B．无产阶级同资产阶级的矛盾 C．社会主义道路与资本主义道路的矛盾
D．人民对于经济文化迅速发展的需要同当前经济文化不能满足人民需要的状况之间的矛盾 18、1956年底毛泽东发表的《论十大关系》成为探索中国特色的社会主义建设道路的先声，文章中提出我国社会主义建设必须围绕着一个基本方针，就是（）A.正确区分和处理两类不同性质的矛盾
B.调动国内外一切积极因素，把中国建设成为社会主义强国 C.中国共产党和民主党派“长期共存、互相监督” D.“调整、巩固、充实、提高”的方针
19、中共八大在探索中国自己的社会主义建设道路方面最重要的贡献是（）
A.对当时和其后一个时期我国社会主义条件的阶级状况、社会状况及国情的判断、主要矛盾和党的主要任务的分析是基本正确的 B.提出了加强民主与法制建设的思想 C.提出了加强执政党建设的思想
D.提出了既反保守、又反冒进，在综合平衡中稳步前进的经济建设的方针。
20、毛泽东在《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》中提出解决社会主义社会基本矛盾的途径是（）
A.进行新民主主义革命 B.进行社会主义革命 C.依靠社会主义制度本身的力量进行改革 D.进行无产阶级专政下的继续革命 21、20世纪50年代，我国提出了建设四个现代化的社会主义强国的战略目标，其中四个现代化是指（）
A．工业、农业、商业和交通业 B．工业、农业、商业和科学技术 C．工业、农业、国防和科学技术 D．工业、农业、国防和交通业
22、毛泽东《论十大关系》的报告明确了建设社会主义的根本思想是（）A.把国内外的一切积极因素调动起来 B.必须根据本国情况走自己的道路 C.照着马克思所说的去做 D.以苏联为警戒，建设社会主义
23、“阶级斗争基本结束，但没有完全结束”出自（）
A.《不要四面出击》 B.《论联合政府》 C.《论十大关系》 D.《关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题》
二、多选题：
1.建设中国特色社会主义的首要的基本理论问题是（）A.什么是社会主义 B.建设一个什么样的党 C.怎样建设社会主义 D.怎样建设党
2.改革开放前我国社会主义建设的经验教训主要有（）A.忽视生产力发展 B.机械地理解马克思主义 C.照搬苏联经验 D.混淆社会主义本质，特征和体制的区别 3.邓小平指出社会主义的根本原则是（）
A.发展生产 B.共同富裕 C.改革开放 D.消灭剥削 4.邓小平对社会主义本质科学内涵的概括包括（）A.解放生产力和发展生产力 B.消灭剥削 C.消除两极分化 D.最终达到共同富裕 5.消灭剥削、消除两极分化是（）
A.社会主义的根本要求 B.社会主义的根本目的 C.社会主义的根本方向 D.社会主义的价值目标 6．实现共同富裕要坚持（）
A.公正原则 B.效率优先 C.兼顾公平D.公平和合理原则 7.社会主义本质理论体现了（）A.社会主义制度存在和发展的价值目标 B.社会主义社会是个动态变化的社会 C.生产力与生产关系的辩证统一 D.社会制度与意识形态的统一 8.中国特色社会主义的发展是（）
A.以经济建设为中心的 B.以社会全面进步为目标的C.以改革开放为中心 D.以世界共同进步为目标的
9.党的十六大提出要完成党在新世纪新阶段的奋斗目标必须做到（）A.发展要有新思路 B.改革要有新突破 C.开放要有新局面 D.各项工作要有新举措 10.实行人才战略的重要环节包括（）A.培养人才 B.吸引人材 C.用好人才 D.输出人才
11、邓小平指出，建设社会主义（）
A．必须把马克思主义的普遍真理同本国具体实际相结合 B．要一切从实际出发，走自己的路 C．没有固定的模式
D．必须大胆吸收和借鉴人类社会创造的一切文明成果 12、1992年邓小平同志南巡谈话中提出的重要观点有（）。A．确立解放思想，实事求是的思想路线
B．把有计划的商品经济理论进一步发展为社会主义市场经济理论 C．全面阐发了党的“一个中心，两个基本点”的基本路线 D．关于社会主义本质的论断
E．判断各方面工作是非得失的：“三个有利于”标准
13、邓小平关于社会主义最终目标是实现共同富裕的论断指明了（）。A．社会主义的根本目的 B.社会主义的根本任务
C．从生产力方面揭示社会主义的本质 D.从生产关系方面揭示社会主义的本质 E.社会主义的优越性
14、把解放和发展生产力作为社会主义根本任务的客观依据是（）A.生产力是社会发展最根本的决定性因素 B.社会主义本质决定的 C.解放社会主义初级阶段主要矛盾的要求 D.适应当今世界“和平与发展”时代的要求E.总结历史经验得出的正确结论 参考答案
一、单选答案: 1-5BADCA 6-10BCBCD 11-15CABDD 16-20ADBAC 21-23DAD
二、多项选择题：
1AD 2ABCD 3AB 4ABCD 5? 6ABCD 7ABCD 8AB 9ABCD 10? 11ABCD 12BDE 13AE 14ABCDE 第六章 社会主义初级阶段理论
一、单项选择题
1、党首次系统提出和阐述初级阶段理论的是（）。A．1978年党的十一界三中全会B．1982年党的十二大 C．1987年党的十三大D．1997年党的十五大
2、一切从我国的实际出发，我国最大的实际就是（）。
A．底子薄，人口多，资源相对不足。B.生产力不发达，教育科技落后。C.社会制度不健全、不完善。D.现在处在并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段
3、我国社会主义初级阶段的主要矛盾是（）。A.经济政治社会发展之间的不协调
B.人民群众日益增长的物质文化需要同落后的社会生产之间的矛盾 C.人口快速增长与资源相对不足之间的矛盾
D.经济快速增长与地区经济差距不断扩大之间的矛盾
4、坚持党的基本路线不动摇，核心和关键是（）。
A．坚持以经济建设为中心不动摇 B．坚持四项基本原则不动摇
C．坚持改革开放不动摇D．坚持党的领导和团结，自力更生，艰苦创业不动摇
5、我国社会主义初级阶段（）。A．起自49年新中国的成立，到本世纪中叶
B．起自上世纪50年代中期社会主义基本制度在我国的基本确立，到本世纪中叶 C．起自1978年的改革开放，到本世纪中叶
D．起自1978年改革开放，到全面建设小康社会的实现
6、初级阶段我国社会的性质是（）。A．社会主义社会 B．从资本主义社会向社会主义社会过渡 C．向马克思主义设想的共产主义社会迈进 D．进行改革开放，以效仿西方发达国家
7、党的十六大提出，我国到2020年社会主义现代化建设的总的奋斗目标是（）。A．全面建设小康社会 B．人均国民生产总值比2000年翻两番 C．实现工业化，建成社会主义法治国家 D．构建社会主义和谐社会
8、党的十六界六中全会，提出与“富强民主文明”一起作为我国社会主义现代化建设目标的是（）。
A.小康 B.和谐 C.开放 D.可持续
9、社会主义初级阶段最主要的特点是（）。A．社会主义制度不完善 B．市场经济不发达 C．社会主义法制不健全 D。生产力不发达
10、坚持四项基本原则，最核心的是坚持（）。A．社会主义道路 B．共产党的领导 C．人民民主专政 D．马列主义、毛泽东思想
二、多项选择题
1、社会主义初级阶段包括的两层含义是（）。A．我国是社会主义社会。我们必须坚持而不能离开社会主义
B．我国社会主义社会还处在初级阶段。我们必须从这个实际出发，而不能超越这个阶段C。我国是社会主义社会，需要通过改革开放以效仿资本主义
D．我国社会主义社会还处在初级阶段，需要加快向共产主义社会发展 E．我国是社会主义社会，不可学习借鉴资本主义的经验。
2、我国社会主义初级阶段不发达、不成熟主要表现在（）。A．生产力不发达 B．人口多，资源相对不足 C．社会经济制度和上层建筑方面不成熟、不完善 D．与资本主义社会存在较大的差距
E．相对于马克思所设想的共产主义社会而言还不够格
3、党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线的主要内容是（）。A．以经济建设为中心 B．坚持四项基本原则 C．坚持改革开放 D．领导和团结全国各族人民 E．自力更生艰苦创业
4、、在社会主义初级阶段的基本纲领的内容包括建设有中国特色社会主义（）。A． 经济 B.政治 C.文化 D.民主 E.文明
5、初级阶段以经济建设为中心，是因为（）。A．我国社会主义的根本任务是发展生产力
B．社会主义初级阶段的主要矛盾决定了我国必须以经济建设为中心 C．是建立强大的社会主义物质技术基础的需要
D．只要不断解放和发展生产力，才能充分显示社会主义优越性，巩固社会主义制度 E．只有不断解放和发展生产力才能摆脱贫困落后，满足人民的物质文化需要
6、坚持四项基本原则和改革开放的关系是（）。
A．改革是经济和社会发展的强大动力C．二者都服务于经济建设这个中心 B．二者统一于建设中国特色社会主义实践
D．四项基本原则是立国之本，为经济建设和改革开放的根本前提和保证 E．二者都是为了解放和发展生产力
7、强调社会主义初级阶段的长期性，因为（）。A．我国是一个经济文化落后的国家
B．我国社会主义脱胎于半殖民地半封建的旧社会 C．在这个阶段需要补资本主义的课 D．要防止急躁冒进，超越社会发展阶段
E．初级阶段基本实现社会主义现代化，需要经过长期脚踏实地的艰苦奋斗
8、社会主义初级阶段基本路线中的两个基本点是（）。A．坚持中国共产党的领导 B.坚持马克思主义
C.坚持社会主义道路 D.坚持四项基本原则 E.坚持改革开放
9、党的基本路线是（）。
A．党在一定时期制定的行动纲领 B．总揽全局的根本指导方针 C．党制定各项具体方针、政策的依据 D．全党统一思想、统一行动的基础 E．基本纲领的展开 单项选择
1、CDBAB
6、AABDB 多项选择
1、AB
2、AC
3、ABCDE
4、ABC
5、BCE
6、ABCDE
7、ABDE
8、DE
9、ABCD 第七章 社会主义改革和对外开放
一、单项选择题
1.我国改革开放和现代化事业发展的根本前提和保证是（） A.解放生产力、发展生产力 B.以经济建设为中心 C.坚持四项基本原则 D.坚持马克思主义 2.“改革是中国的第二次革命”是从（）A.扫除发展社会生产力的障碍这个意义上说的 B.对社会各个方面要进行根本性变革的意义上说的 C.根本上改革束缚我国生产力的经济体制的意义上说的 D.根本上改革束缚我国生产力的政治体制的意义上说的 3.社会主义社会发展的直接动力是（） A.革命的阶级斗争 B.社会主义社会的基本矛盾 C.改革 D.解放生产力、发展生产力 4.我国实施改革的目的是（）A.巩固社会主义制度 B.发扬社会主义民主
C.调动广大人民群众的积极性 D.发展社会主义的生产力 5.我国实行对外开放格局所呈现的特点是（） A.分步骤、多层次、逐步推进 B.全方位、多层次、宽领域 C.多层次、多渠道、全方位 D.沿海、周边、内地 6.处理改革发展稳定关系的重要结合点是（）
A.发展 B.创新C.不断改善人民生活 D.解放和发展生产力 7.中国特色社会主义的对外开放战略是() A.国内国际两种市场相结合 B.自力更生、独立自主 C.全面开放、兼顾内外 D.“引进来”和“走出去”战略 8.标志着我国对外开放进入新阶段的重大举措是()A.兴办经济特区 B.开放浦东新区
C扩大出口 D.实施“走出去”战略
9、我国社会主义改革是一场新的革命，其性质是（2008年考研题）A.解放生产力，发展生产力 B.社会主义基本制度的根本变革
C.社会主义制度的自我完善和发展 D.建立和完善社会主义市场经济体制
二、多项选择题
1.邓小平指出：“改革是中国的第二次革命”，这一论断的含义是指() A.改革引起社会各方面的深刻变化 B.改革也是解放生产力
C.改革是对原有经济体制的根本性变革 D.改革是社会主义发展的动力 2.社会主义改革的性质是()
A.社会主义制度的自我完善 B.社会主义制度的自我发展
C.在社会主义制度下解放和发展生产力 D.社会主义制度的根本变革 3.邓小平明确提出的“三个有利于”标准是指是否有利于()A.发展社会主义社会的生产力 B.增强社会主义国家的综合国力 C.增强社会主义社会国家的吸引力 D.提高人民生活水平4.对外开放与独立自主、自力更生的关系是()A.社会主义现代化建设必须坚持独立自主、自力更生的方针 B.把对外开放的立足点和归宿点放在增强自力更生的能力上 C在自力更生基础上推进对外开放
D.坚持独立自主、自力更生同对外开放是相辅相成的
一、1C 2A 3C 4D 5B 6C 7D 8D 9C
二、1ABCD 2ABC 3ABD 4ABCD 第八章 建设中国特色社会主义经济
一、单项选择题
1.社会主义市场经济理论认为，计划经济与市场经济属于（）A.不同的资源配置方式 B.不同的经济增长方式
C.不同的经济制度的范畴 D.不同的生产关系的范畴 2.我国社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度是由什么决定的（）A.我国生产力发展水平B所有制结构 C.分配制度 D.社会主义性质和初级阶段国情
3.21世纪前10年，我国经济体制必须解决好的历史课题是（）A.实施科教兴国战略和可持续发展战略 B.促进国民经济持续快速健康发展 C.大多数国有大中型骨干企业建立现代企业制度 D.建立比较完善的社会主义市场经济体制 4.社会主义市场经济的基本标志是（）
A.市场对资源配置起基础性作用 B.国家对国民经济进行宏观调控 C.建立现代企业制度 D.坚持公有制的主体地位
5、资产属于私人所有和存在雇佣劳动关系的所有制经济形式是（） A.个体经济 B.合资经济 C.私营经济 D.集体经济
6.为了实现经济增长和社会公平的双重目标而必须坚持的一项基本原则是（） A.共同富裕 B.按劳分配
C.效率优先，兼顾公平D.让一部地区、一部分人先富起来
7.现阶段，以劳动者的劳动联合和劳动者的资本联合为主的股份合作制属于 A.国有经济 B.集体经济 C.个体经济 D.私营经济 8.社会主义社会实行按劳分配的前提条件是（）
A.旧的社会分工的存在，劳动还是谋生的手段 B.社会主义生产力发展的水平 C.社会主义生产资料公有制 D.社会主义市场经济体制的建立
9.某员工在外资企业工作，年薪5万元，利用业余时间在民营企业兼职，年薪2万元，购买股票分得的红利2万元，出租住房收入2万元；转让一项技术收入1万元，该员工一年的劳动收入为（）
A.12万元 B.9万元 C.8万元 D7万元 10.实现我国经济增长从粗放型向集约型转变最直接和最主要的途径和手段是 A加快企业技术进步 B.组建大型企业集团
C.建立现代企业制度 D.加快鼓励兼并、规范破产的步伐
11.要实现我国经济发展的战略目标，必须加快经济增长方式的转变，其核心是处理好（）
A.积累与消费的关系 B.投入与产出的关系 C.速度与效益的关系 D.数量与质量的关系
二、多项选择题
1.邓小平关于社会主义市场经济理论的内涵包括（）
A.市场经济是资源配置的一种方式 B.市场经济不具有社会制度的属性 C.市场调节可以与计划调节以及公有制相结合 D.市场经济更有利于促进生产力的发展
2.社会主义市场经济体制是指社会基本制度与市场经济的结合，它包含两层意思A.指出市场经济本身不具有社会制度的属性
B.指出我们要建立的市场经济，是同我国社会主义基本制度结合在一起的市场经济 C.社会主义市场经济与其他市场经济具有共性的东西 D.社会主义市场经济又具有其他市场经济不同的特征 3.公有制的主体地位主要表现在（） A.公有资产在社会总资产中占优势
B.国有经济控制国民经济命脉，对经济发展起主导作用
C.公有资产在各个地方和产业中都占优势 D.国有经济在国民经济中的比重不断提高 4.在社会主义市场经济条件下，按劳分配（） A.还没有在全社会范围内按统一的标准实现 B.不能用每个劳动者实际付出的劳动时间来衡量
C.还必须通过商品、货币形式来实现 D.所指的“劳”还不是直接的社会劳动 5市场经济体制是我国经济体制改革的目标，它的建立有一个过程，以下论述正确的是（）
A.2000年我国已经初步建立起了社会主义市场经济体制 B.2010年要初步建立起社会主义市场经济体制 C.2010年要建立起比较完善的社会主义市场经济体制
D.2020年全面小康社会建成的时候，要建立起完善的社会主义市场经济体制 6.在我国现存的所有制结构中，私营经济（）
A.不受公有制经济的影响和制约 B.以生产资料私人占有和雇佣劳动为基础 C.是由社会主义初级阶段的生产力发展状况决定其存在的 D.是社会主义市场经济的重要组成部分
7.对社会主义市场经济体制的正确认识有（）
A.它是市场在社会主义国家宏观调控下对资源配置起基础性作用的经济体制 B.它是同社会主义基本制度结合在一起的市场经济体制 C.计划与市场两种调节手段相结合，是它的内在要求 D.是社会主义经济制度的自我完善和发展
8.非公有制经济是我国市场经济的重要组成部分，这表明：非公有制经济（） A..在所有制结构中占主体地位 B.是市场经济发展的需要 C.与公有制经济共存 D.与公有制经济一起推动生产力发展
9.“股份制是现代企业的一种资本组织形式，不能笼统地说股份制是公有还是私有”，这一观点表明（）
A.由法人股东而不是个人股东构成的股份制是公有制 B.公有制与私有制都可通过股份制这一形式来实现 C.公有制经济占控股地位就具有明显的公有性 D.股份制本身不具有公有还是私有的性质
10.我国社会主义初级阶段，除按劳分配以外的其他分配方式有（） A.个体劳动者的劳动收入 B.资产收益
C.按劳动力价值取得的收入 D.按资本取得的收入
11.坚持和完善社会主义初级阶段个人收入分配制度，规范收入分配秩序，其中包括（）A.着力提高低收入者收入水平B.逐步扩大中等收入者比重 C.有效调节过高收入 D.坚决取缔非法收入 12.我国新型工业化道路的内涵是（）
A.科技含量高 B.经济效益好 C.资源消耗低 D.环境污染少
13.邓小平在20世纪80年代提出了我国区域经济发展的“两个大局”的思想，是指（）
A.沿海地区，优先发展，从而更好地带动内地发展，内地要顾全这个大局
B.发展到一定的时候，沿海要拿出更多力量帮助内地发展，沿海要服从这个大局C.发展到一定的时候，内地要帮助沿海更快地发展起来，内地要服从这个大局
D.到21世纪，内地要从发展起来的沿海地区得到帮助，沿海要顾全这个大局
14.“三农”问题始终是我国的根本性问题，在现代化建设中必须依靠广大农民群众，因为（）
A.广大农民是我国现代化事业发展中人数最多的依靠力量
B.工农联盟是人民民主专政的基础，也是实现社会主义现代化的保证 C.农业是国民经济的基础，保证和支持着整个国民经济的运行和稳定发展
D.没有农村的稳定和全面进步，就不可能有整个社会的稳定和全面进步
15.建设社会主义新农村的一项重要任务是培养新型农民，具体措施有（）A.加快发展农村义务教育 B.加强劳动力技能培训 C.发展农村文化事业 D.加速农村剩余劳动力的转移
16.从2006年起，我国废止《农业税条例》，这是具有划时代意义的历史事件，它有利于（）
A.促进城乡税制的统一 B.推进工业反哺农业、城市支持农村
C.逐步清除城乡差别，推进城乡统筹发展 D.增加农民收入，提高消费水平
一、1A 2D 3D 4D 5C 6C 7B 8C 9C 10A 11C
二、1ABCD 2AB 3AB 4ABCD 5ACD 6BCD 7ABCD 8BCD 9BCD 10ABCD 11ABCD 12ABCD 13AB 14ABCD 15ABC 16ABCD 第九章 建设中国特色社会主义政治
一、单项选择题
1、中国特色社会主义政治文明的本质特点是：答：（）A、无产阶级政党的领导 B、人民当家作主 C、维护社会主义制度 D、依法治国
2、“没有民主就没有社会主义，就没有社会主义现代化”这一科学论断阐明了：答：（）A、社会主义民主的本质 B、社会主义民主的特点
C、社会主义民主的内容 D、民主是社会主义的本质要求和内在属性
3、我国的根本政治制度是：答：（）
A、人民代表大会制度 B、共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度 C、民族区域自治制度 D、民主集中制
4、人民政协的主要职能是：答：（）
A、政治协商 B、民主监督 C、参政议政 D、政治协商、民主监督和参政议政
5、我国政治体制改革的性质是：答：（）
A、社会主义国家政体的改变 B、社会主义国家国体的改变 C、社会主义政治制度的自我完善和发展 D、人民代表大会制度的自我完善和发展
6、下面不属于我国基层民主自治体系的一项是：答：（）
A、农村村民委员会；B、个体劳动者协会 C、城市居民委员会 D、企业职工代表大会
7、解决我国民族问题的基本政策是：答：（）A、加快发展少数民族地区的经济和文化 B、尊重少数民族地区的民族特点和文化传统 C、促进各民族间的团结 D、实行民族区域自治
8、所谓国体，是指：答：（）
A、国家的体制 B、国家的阶级性质 C、国家的各种制度体系 D、国家的根本政治制度
9、中国共产党第一次深刻阐述依法治国的含义，把它确定为党领导人民治理国家的基本方略是在：答：（）
A、十四大 B、十五大 C、十六大 D、十七大
10、下面说法不正确的是：答：（）A、“有法可依”主要是对立法工作提出的要求
B、“有法必依”就是要保证法律效力的普遍性和有效性 C、“执法必严”就是对一切违法犯罪行为要严厉从重打击 D、“违法必究”意味着在法律面前要人人平等
11、依法治国是党领导人民治理国家的基本方略，其根本目的在于 A、保证人民充分行使当家作主的权利，维护人民当家作主的地位 B、依法打击敌视和破坏社会主义的敌对分子，维护社会稳定 C、维护宪法和法律在国家政治、经济和社会生活中的权威 D、确保国家各项工作有法可依，依法行政
12、中国共产党和各民主党派合作的政治基础是
A、中国共产党和各民主党派必须在宪法规定的范围内进行活动 B、遵循“长期共存，互相监督，肝胆相照，荣辱与共”的方针 C、坚持四项基本原则
D、中国共产党是执政党，民主党派是参政党
13、“民主和少数服从多数的原则不是一个东西，民主就是承认少数服从多数的国家。”这句话应该理解为
A、民主是指一种国家制度 B、民主是手段而不是目的 C、国家的实质是少数服从多数 D、民主是国体，不是政体
14、党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的统一性是由（2008年考研题）A.社会主义初级阶段的基本国情决定的 B.社会主义国家的本质决定的 C.社会主义根本任务决定的 D.社会主义国家的发展战略决定的
二、多项选择题
1、建设社会主义政治文明的意义表现在：答：（）A、政治文明是社会文明结构不可或缺的组成部分 B、政治文明为物质文明建设提供良好的政治环境 C、政治文明为精神文明建设提供良好的政治环境 D、建设社会主义政治文明是与我国社会主义市场经济建设相适应的 E、政治文明是人类社会历史发展进程中所创造的各种成果和财富的总和
2、人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度，这是因为：答：（）A、它与我国人民民主专政的国家性质相适应 B、它直接反映了中国共产党对国家政权的领导 C、它保证人民的权力在国家政治生活中处于首要地位 D、它保证人民群众有效地对各级国家工作人员进行监督 E、它与多党合作政治协商制度相适应
3、共产党与各民主党派合作的方针是：答：（）
A、长期共存 B、互相监督 C、肝胆相照 D、荣辱与共 E、共同发展
4、推进政治体制改革，要有利于：答：（）
A、增强党和国家的活力 B、发挥社会主义制度的特点和优势 C、充分调动人民群众的积极性、创造性
D、维护国家统一、民族团结和社会稳定 E、促进经济发展和社会全面进步
5、社会主义法制建设的基本要求是：答：（）
A、有法可依 B、有法必依 C、执法必严 D、有错必纠 E、违法必究
6、在我国，中国共产党与民主党派的关系是：答：（）
A、领导与被领导的关系 B、上下级的关系 C、平等合作关系 D、执政党与反对党的关系 E、执政党与参政党的关系
7、下列关于民主的观点中，正确的有：答：（）
A、民主首先是一种国家制度 B、民主是具体的、历史的、相对的 C、民主的实质比民主的形式更重要 D、民主的形式比民主的实质更重要 E、社会主义民主并不一定比资本主义民主高级
8、下列关于人权的观点中，正确的有：答：（）A、人权是社会的产物 B、人权仅指个人的权利
C、对于发展中国家来说，生存权和发展权是最根本最重要的人权 D、人权高于主权 E、实现人权的根本途径是社会进步、稳定和经济发展
9、中国采取的不是民族共和国联邦制度，而是民族区域自治的制度。实践证明，这一制度有利于
A、保障少数民族自主管理本民族内部事务的权力 B、巩固和发展平等、团结、互助的社会主义民族关系 C、各民族的共同繁荣和进步
D、国家的稳定和统一，抵御国外敌对势力的颠覆和破坏
10、人民政治协商会议制度体现了我国 A、社会主义民主的广泛性 B、各民族的平等和团结 C、国家结构的特点
D、社会主义政治制度的特点和优点
11、下列国家机关由全国人民代表大会选举产生并对全国人民代表大会负责的有 A、国务院
B、中央军事委员会 C、最高人民法院 D、最高人民检察院 E、国家审计署
12、我国社会主义时期民主党派的性质是 A、代表资产阶级、小资产阶级利益的政党。
B、社会主义劳动者、社会主义建设和拥护社会主义的爱国者三者的政治联盟。C、是接受中国共产党领导、同中国共产党通力合作的亲密友党。D、是致力于中国特色社会主义事业的参政党。
13、人民代表大会制度是我国的根本政治制度，这是因为(2008年考研题)A.它直接体现我国人民民主专政的国家性质 B.它能从根本上保证人民当家作主的权力
C.它在制定国家其他各种制度中起着决定性的作用 D.它能使广大人民在国家政治生活中直接行使民主权力
一、单项选择题：
1、B
2、D
3、A
4、D
5、C
6、B
7、D
8、B
9、B
10、C 11．A 12．C 13．A 14B
二、多项选择题：
1、ABCD
2、ACD
3、ABCD
4、ABCDE
5、ABCE
6、ACE
7、ABC
8、ACE
9、ABCD
10、ABD
11、ABCD
12、BCD
13、ABC 第十章 建设中国特色社会主义文化
一、单项选择题
1、有中国特色社会主义文化建设的根本是：（）A在全社会形成共同理想和精神支柱 B发展教育和科学 C营造良好的文化环境 D深化文化体制改革
2、社会主义物质文明建设与精神文明建设的关系表现为：（）A前者是目的 后者是手段 B前者是基础 后者是目标 C前者是内容 后者是形式 D二者互为条件，相互依赖
3、中共十五大指出有中国特色的社会主义文化，就其主要内容来说：（）A同经济体制改革是一致的 B同社会主义精神文明是一致的 C同思想道德建设是一致的 D同社会主义物质文明是一致的
4、坚持两手都要抓，两手都要硬的方针中，关键是指：（）A一手抓改革开放，一手抓打击犯罪B一手抓经济建设一手抓民主法制 C一手抓改革开放，一手抓惩治腐败D一手抓物质文明一手抓精神文明
5、社会主义教育科学文化建设要解决的是：（）
A整个中华民族的文化水平问题
B整个民族的精神文明程度问题 C整个民族的科学文化素质和现代化的智力支持问题 D我国的文盲半文盲人口较多的问题
6、社会主义道德建设要以：（）A集体主义为原则 B国家利益为原则
C爱国主义为原则 D社会主义经济基础为原则
7、现阶段我国各族人民的共同理想就是：（）
A实现四个现代化
B最大限度地提高我国人民的生活水平
C建设有中国特色的社会主义，把我国建设成为富强民主文明的社会主义现代化国家 D加强我国的物质文明建设和精神文明建设
8、“中国特色社会主义文化”作为一个新概念被提出是在党的：（）A十二大 B十三大 C十五大 D十六大
9、培养“四有”公民是社会主义思想道德建设的目标，“四有”首先该强调的是：（）A有理想 B有文化 C有道德 D有纪律
10、民族文化是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神动力和精神支撑。民族文化的最本质、最深刻的体现是：（）
A思想道德 B社会公德、职业道德、家庭美德教育 C民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素质 D民族精神 11．党的十五大指出，中国特色的社会主义文化，是综合国力的（）A、重要形式 B、重要标志 C、重要基础 D、重要来源
12．发展社会主义文化必须坚持的“二为”方向是（）A、为精神文明建设服务，为物质文明建设服务 B、为人民服务，为社会主义服务
C、为经济发展服务，为政治文明服务，D、为党的工作服务，为社会主义服务 13．中华民族的民族精神以（）为核心
A、爱国主义 B、为人民服务 C、诚实守信 D、集体主义 14．社会主义文化建设的重要内容和中心环节是（）A、思想道德建设 B、法制建设
C、民主政治建设 D、干部队伍建设 15．社会主义思想道德建设要解决的是（）A、为物质文明建设提供智力支持
B、整个民族的精神支柱和精神动力问题 C、社会主义的发展方向
D、继承和发展民族优秀传统文化
16．社会主义精神文明建设的基础工程是（）
A、加强社会主义民主建设 B、加强社会主义法制建设 C、发展教育文化事业 D、加强社会舆论监督
二、多项选择题
1、社会主义精神文明建设要以马克思主义为指导，这是因为马克思主义：（A揭示了人类社会发展的普遍规律 B规定着精神文明建设的方向 C决定着精神文明的性质 D提供了解决实际问题的正确答案
2、物质文明与精神文明的关系是：（）
A相辅相成 相互促进
B精神文明对物质文明起巨大的反作用 C物质文明对精神文明起巨大的反作用
D物质文明是基础，对精神文明起最终的决定作用
3、社会主义思想道德建设的基本任务是加强：（））A爱国主义和社会主义教育 B社会公德和职业道德教育 C集体主义教育 D家庭美德教育
4、江泽民同志在十五大报告中提出建设有中国特色社会主义文化，其内容包括：（）A以马克思主义为指导，发展民族的科学的大众的社会主义文化 B以培养有理想、有道德、有文化、有纪律的公民为目标 C把“双百”方针放在首位
D发展面向现代化、面向世界、面向未来的社会主义文化
5、中国特色社会主义文化建设的根本任务和目标是：（）A把我国建设成为富强、民主、文明的社会主义现代化国家
B适应改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的需要，培养有理想、有道德、有文化、有纪律的社会主义公民
C提高全民族的思想道德素质
D提高全民族的科学文化素质
6、精神文明建设的战略地位主要体现为：（）
A是社会主义社会的重要特征 B是社会主义制度优越性的重要体现 C是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标
D是社会主义现代化建设的精神动力、思想保证
7、中国特色社会主义文化对我国当前改革开放和现代化建设的重大意义在于：（）A解决好文化建设为什么人的问题 B为改革开放和现代化建设提供精神动力 C为改革开放和现代化建设提供智力支持 D为改革开放和现代化建设提供思想保证
中国特色的社会主义文化的特点包括：（）A鲜明的时代性
B浓郁的民族性 C吸纳百川的开放性 D强烈的阶级性
9、社会主义道德建设的基本要求包括：（）A爱社会主义 B爱祖国、爱人民
C爱科学 D爱劳动
10、党的十六大指出中国特色社会主义文化建设的指导思想包括：（）A坚持马列主义、毛泽东思想和邓小平理论在意识形态领域的指导思想，用“三个代表”重要思想统领社会主义文化建设
B坚持为人民服务，为社会主义服务的方向和百花齐放、百家争鸣的方针，弘扬主旋律，提倡多样化
C坚持以科学的理论武装人，以正确的舆论引导人，以高尚的精神塑造人，以优秀的作品鼓舞人
D大力发展先进文化，支持健康有益文化；努力改造落后无奈何，坚决抵制腐朽文化 一：单项选择题：
1-5 ADBDC 6—10 ACCAD 11—15 BBAAB 16C 二：多选：
1ABC 2ABD 3ABCD 4ABD 5BCD 6ABCD 7BCD 8ABC 9ABCD 10ABCD 第十一章 构建社会主义和谐社会
一、单选题
1、马克思主义产生之前的空想社会主义者们，曾提出过许多建立和谐社会的构想，但结果只能陷于空想，其根本原因是（）。
A．他们对社会主义社会探索不够，没有认识到社会主义社会的本质
B．他们没有认识到资本主义社会的本质，也没有找到实现社会变革的正确途径 C．他们生活在资本主义社会时代
D．他们的构想是共产主义社会的，超越了社会主义社会阶段
2、按照马克思．恩格斯的设想，未来社会将是（）。A．一个没有矛盾的社会形态
B．在人与人之间．人与自然之间都形成和谐的关系 C．人们可以不劳动，随心所欲地享受
D．由社会主义社会与和谐社会构成的共产主义社会
3、明确把“社会更加和谐”列为全面建设小康社会的一个重要目标是党的（）。A．十三大 B．十五大 C．十六大 D．十六届六中全会
4、关于“和谐社会”，下列说法正确的是（）。A．和谐社会就是没有矛盾．没有冲突的社会 B．和谐社会是人类社会发展过程中的一个社会形态 C．和谐社会是指社会组织得到很好协调或稳定的那种社会 D．和谐社会是对人类社会发展理想状态的一种描绘
5、中国特色社会主义事业的总体布局应该是社会主义（）。A．经济建设 C．经济建设、政治建设、文化建设
B．经济建设、政治建设 D．经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设
6、我国要构建的社会主义和谐社会与历史上各种所谓的“和谐社会”的本质区别是（）。A．我国是在中国特色社会主义道路上，中国共产党领导全国人民共同建设．共同享有的和谐社会
B．我国的和谐社会能够实现，历史上各种所谓的“和谐社会”不能够实现
C．历史上各种社会形态都不能够解决生产力与生产关系．经济基础与上层建筑的矛盾 D．我国的人与自然关系是和谐的，而历史上各种社会形态的人与自然的关系是不和谐的
7、下列说法正确的是（）。
A．社会主义制度的建立同时也就是社会和谐的实现 B．社会主义建设内在地包含着构建社会主义和谐社会 C．社会主义社会的社会和谐可以自然而然地实现
D．我国要构建的社会主义和谐社会的时间比社会主义初级阶段的时间要短
8、构建社会主义和谐社会同建设社会主义物质文明．政治文明．精神文明的关系是（）。A．建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明为构建社会主义和谐社会提供基础；构建社会主义和谐社会为建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明提供条件
B．构建社会主义和谐社会为建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明提供基础；建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明为构建社会主义和谐社会提供条件
C．建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明是构建社会主义和谐社会的内容；构建社会主义和谐社会是建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明的形式
D．构建社会主义和谐社会是建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明的内容；建设社会主义物质文明、政治文明、精神文明是构建社会主义和谐社会的形式
9、构建社会主义和谐社会与全面建设小康社会的关系是（）。A．两者是并列的 B．两者同时实现同时完成
C．构建社会主义和谐社会既是全面建设小康社会的重要内容，也是全面建设小康社会的重要条件
D．全面建设小康社会既是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容，也是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要条件
10、《关于构建社会主义和谐社会若干重大问题的决定》明确规定了构建社会主义和谐社会的指导思想，指出构建社会主义和谐社会的重点是（）。A．坚持以科学发展观统领经济社会发展全局 B．解决人民群众最关心、最直接、最现实的利益问题 C．着力发展社会事业、促进社会公平正义 D．走共同富裕道路
11、社会主义和谐社会的核心价值是（）。
Ａ．以人为本 B．以民为本 C．社会公平D．公平和正义
12、构建社会主义和谐社会的重要保证是（）。
A．民主法治 B．公平正义 C．诚信友爱 D．安定有序
13、建构社会主义和谐社会的根本出发点和落脚点是（）。
A．坚持以人为本 B．坚持科学发展 C．坚持改革开放 D．坚持在党的领导下
14、建构社会主义和谐社会的主要动力是（）。A．坚持以人为本 B．坚持科学发展
C．坚持改革开放 D．坚持正确处理改革发展稳定的关系
15、建构社会主义和谐社会的重要条件是（）。A．坚持以人为本 B．坚持科学发展
C．坚持改革开放 D．坚持正确处理改革发展稳定的关系
二、多选题
1.2005年2月19日，在中共中央举办的省部级主要领导干部提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力专题研讨班开班式上，胡锦涛总书记作重要讲话，指出社会主义和谐社会，应该是 a.民主法治、公平正义 b.诚信友爱
c.充满活力、安定有序 d.人与自然和谐相处的社会
2.2005年2月19日，中共中央总书记胡锦涛《在省部级主要领导干部提高构建社会主义和谐社会能力专题研讨班上的讲话》中指出：构建社会主义和谐社会的必要性是
a.从国内看，构建社会主义和谐社会，是我们抓住和用好重要战略机遇期、实现全面建设小康社会宏伟目标的必然要求
b.从国际看，构建社会主义和谐社会，是我们把握复杂多变的国际形势、有力应对来自国际环境的各种挑战和风险的必然要求 c.从我们党肩负的使命看，构建社会主义和谐社会，是巩固党执政的社会基础、实现党执政的历史任务的必然要求
d.从我们党的执政能力看，构建社会主义和谐社会，全面落实邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想是武装全党、教育人民的必然要求 3.构建社会主义和谐社会的重大意义是 a.关系到最广大人民的根本利益
b.关系到巩固党执政的社会基础、实现党执政的历史任务 c.关系到全面建设小康社会的全局 d.关系到社会主义政治体制改革的成败
4.党提出把构建社会主义和谐社会作为一项重大任务是 a.巩固党执政的社会基础的必然要求 b.实现党执政的历史任务的必然要求 c.适应了我国改革发展关键时期的客观要求 d.体现了广大人民群众的根本利益和共同愿望 5.构建社会主义和谐社会是
a.实现全面建设小康社会宏伟目标的必然要求
b.有力应对来自国际环境的各种挑战和风险的必然要求 c.巩固党执政的社会基础、实现党执政的历史任务的必然要求 d.积极促进世界多极化、适应经济全球化的必然要求 6.正确处理各种社会矛盾、大力促进社会和谐是 a.全面建设小康社会的重要内容 b.全面建设小康社会的重要前提 c.物质文明建设的重要标志 d.政治文明建设的重要目标
7我们党提出构建社会主义和谐社会是
a.对我国改革开放和现代化建设经验的科学总结 b.更好地推进我国经济社会发展的战略举措 c.对中国特色社会主义事业发展规律的新认识 d.对执政规律、执政能力、执政方略、执政方式的新认识 8.构建社会主义和谐社会关系到 a.最广大人民的利益
b.巩固党执政的社会基础，实现党执政的历史任务 c.全面建设小康社会的全局
d.党的事业兴旺发达和国家的长治久安
9.我们党明确提出并积极推进构建社会主义和谐社会的有利条件有 a.党的领导和社会主义制度 b.较为坚实的物质基础
c.全体人民在政治上享有平等地位、根本利益一致 d.马克思主义在全社会的指导地位、民族凝聚力显著增强 10.构建社会主义和谐社会要处理好的关系包括 a.人与人的关系 b.人与社会的关系 c.人与自然的关系 d.自然与自然的关系
一、单选题
1、BBCDD
6、ABACB
11、DAACD
二、多选题
1.ABCD 2.ABC 3.ABC 4.ABCD 5.ABCD 6.AB 7.ABCD 8.ABCD 9.ABCD 10.ABC 第十二章 祖国完全统一的构想
一、单项选择题 1、1955年5月，周恩来代表中国政府第一次公开提出（）。A．武力解放台湾的主张 B．和平解放台湾的主张 C．第三次国共合作的主张 D．一切可以照旧的主张 2、1963年，周恩来将中国共产党对台政策归纳为（）。A．“一纲二目” B．“一纲三目” C．“一纲四目” D．“一纲多目”
3、“一国两制”的前提是（）。
Ａ．一个中国 B．港、澳、台实行高度自治
C．大陆实行社会主义制度 D．港、澳、台保持资本主义制度不变
4、台湾问题的本质是（）
A．中国的内政问题 Ｂ．中国同美国的关系问题 Ｃ．中国同日本的关系问题 Ｄ．共产党与国民党的关系问题
5、中英两国政府就香港问题正式签署《中英联合声明》的时间是（）A．1982年9月 B．1983年7月 Ｃ．1984年9月 D．1984年12月
6、“一国两制”是邓小平当初为解决（）。A．香港问题而提出的 B．澳门问题而提出的 C．台湾问题而提出的 D．港、澳、台问题而提出的
7、“一国两制”的基础是（）。A．大陆坚持社会主义 B．两种制度
C．一个中国 D．港澳台保持原有资本主义制度 8“一国两制”科学构想的哲学依据是（）。
A．马克思主义的国家学说 B．马克思主义的和平共处原则 C．马克思主义的辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义 D．马克思主义的社会形态理论 9.按照“一国两制”的构想完成祖国统一大业，不会改变我国社会制度的性质，其原因是（）。
A．特别行政区接受中央政府的领导
B．特别行政区是中华人民共和国不可分割的一部分 C．特别行政区除高度自治外与大陆各行政区没有什么分别 Ｄ．两种制度的地位不同，中国的主体坚持社会主义制度
10.1999年7月9日，台湾当局领导人公然宣称将两岸关系定位在“国家与国家，至少是特殊的国与国的关系”。这一言论的实质是企图（）。A．阻挠两岸 “三通” B．破坏两岸政治谈判 C．把台湾问题国际化 D．把台湾从中国分割出去
二、多项选择题：
1、中国政府不承诺放弃使用武力是针对（）。
A．海外侨胞
B．台湾同胞
C．“台独”分子
D．干涉统一的外国势力
2、“一国两制”的方针和政策是（）。A．“一国两制”的前提是一个中国 B．国家的主体坚持社会主义制度，港、澳、台保持资本主义制度长期不变 C．力争用和平方式实现祖国统一，但不承诺放弃使用武力
D．保持港、台、澳行使外交和国防权；E．保持港、台、澳高度自治和繁荣稳定
3、根据“一国两制”、“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”的高度自治的基本方针，中国政府在香港、澳门回归后将保持香港、澳门的几个“不变”，即香港、澳门原有的（）。A．资本主义制度不变
B．生活方式不变 C．法律基本不变
D．外交事务和防务不变
4、“一国两制”构想的基本点是（）。
A．一个国家、两种制度； B．港人治港和澳人治澳； C．高度自治； D．50年不变； E．完全自治
5、香港回归祖国，标志着（）。A．中国人民雪洗了香港被侵占的百年国耻 B．“一国两制”构想的重大成功
C．中国人民在完成祖国统一大业的道路上迈出了重要一步 D．中国人民为世界的和平、发展与进步做出了新的贡献 E．中国人民实现了祖国统一大业
6、“一国两制”中，两种制度的关系是（）。A．长期共存 B．和平共处 C．互支援 D．共同发展 E．相互排斥
7、台湾问题是（）。
A．殖民主义侵略遗留下来的问题 B．中国与美国之间的关系问题 C．中国的内政问题 D．应由中国人自己解决的问题 E．不容许外国插手干涉的问题
8、我国政府解决台湾问题的基本方略有（）。
A．不能无限期地拖延下去
B．决不承诺放弃使用武力
C．和平统一、一国两制
D．台湾是中国神圣不可侵犯的领土
9、按照“一国两制”方针实现两岸统一，就是（）。
A．通过经济交流的手段来解决 B．通过政治谈判的方式来解决 C．不使用武力方式来解决 D．力争用和平手段解决，但不承诺放弃使用武力
10、按照我国宪法规定，特别行政区是中华人民共和国不可分割的一部分。这个论断表明（）。
A．“一国两制”的前提是坚持一个中国 B．特别行政区必须坚持四项基本原则 C．特别行政区政府是国家的一级地方政权机关 D．特别行政区直辖于中央人民政府 11.《反分裂国家法》制定（）A.标志着对台方针政策法律法
B.体现了努力争取和平统一的一贯主张 C.促进两岸关系良性互动
D.表明了反对“台独”，维护国家主权和领土完整的坚定决心和共同意志 12.2005年3月，胡锦涛就新形势下发展两岸关系提出的意见是（）A.坚持一个中国的原则决不动摇 B.争取和平统一的努力决不放弃
C.寄希望于台湾人民的方针决不改变 D.反对“台独”分裂活动决不妥协
一、单项选择
1、BCAAD
6、CCCDD
二、多项选择
1、CD
2、ABCE
3、ABC
4、ABCD
5、ABCD
6、ABCD
7、CDE
8、ABCD
9、ABD
10、ACD
11、ABD
12、ABCD 第十三章 国际战略和外交政策
一、单选题
1、和平共处五项原则的核心和实质是（）A、大小国家一律平等
B、以和平方式解决国与国之间的争端
C、在处理国与国关系时把社会制度和意识形成因素放在一边 D、发展中国家联合起来维护自身权益
2、和平共处五项原则中最重要、最核心的一项是（）A、互不侵犯 B、平等互利和平共处
C、互不干涉内政 D、互相尊重主权和领土完整
3、和平共处五项原则的倡导国是（）A、中国、印度、缅甸 B、中国、印度、越南 C、中国、朝鲜、越南 D、中国、印尼、巴基斯坦
4、中国外交政策的基本目标是（）
A、提高中国的国际地位 B、维护国家主权和世界和平，促进共同发展 C、反对霸权主义和强权政治 D、实现全人类的解放
5、当前维护世界和平的根本途径是（）
A、实行有效裁军和军控 B、发挥联合国的维和作用 C、反对霸权主义和强权政治 D、加强国际干预
6、中国外交工作的立足点是（）
A、加强同发展中国家的团结与合作 B、独立自主 C、加强同西方国家的合作 D、加强对话，反对对抗
7、邓小平提出，建立国际政治经济新秩序，必须（）A、以四项基本原则为基础 B、以和平共处五项原则为基础 C、以平等互利为基础 D、以互不侵犯为基础
8、谋求世界各国经济共同发展的根本途径是（）A、加速各国经济结构的调整 B、推动南北对话
C、加强南南合作 D、建立公正、合理、平等、互利的国际经济新秩序
二、多选题
1、和平与发展的关系是（）
A、和平是东西问题 B、和平与发展互为条件，共同促进人类社会的进步和繁荣 C、和平是发展的前提 D、发展是和平的保障
2、经济全球化趋势的主要表现有（）A、跨国公司越来越成为世界经济的主导力量 B、国际贸易成为各国经济发展不可缺少的组成部分 C、国际直接投资迅速增长，投资格局多元化 D、国际金融贸易总额大大超过国际贸易总额
3、我国外交工作的立足点之所以选择与发展中国家站在一起、维护发展中国家的利益，是因为（）A、中国本身就是最大的发展中国家
B、中国与广大发展中国家有着共同的历史遭遇和命运
C、维护世界和平促进经济发展是中国与广大发展中国家共同的利益所在 D、在战后的长期国际斗争中，中国与广大发展中国家历来相互支持 E、中国与广大发展中国家选择了共同的发展道路
4、我国外交工作的方针是（）
A、坚定不移地奉行独立自主的和平外交政策 B、同世界各国建立和发展友好关系 C、反对霸权主义和强权政治，维护世界和平D、推动共同发展，促进人类进步 E、贯彻“和平统一，一国两制”的方针
5、中国关于建立国际政治新秩序的主张包括（）
A、国家不分大小、强弱、贫富，都应当作为国际社会平等成员参与国际事务 B、各国有权对本国资源进行开发，实行有效控制
C、各国有权根据各自国情，独立自主地选择本国社会、政治、经济制度和发展道路 D、国与国之间应互相尊重，求同存异，平等对待，友好相处，不干涉别国内政
E、国家之间的分歧和争端应遵照联合国宪章和国际法准则，通过协商和平解决，不得诉诸武力或以武力相威胁。
一、单选题
1—5 CDABC 6A 7B
二、多选题
1BCD 2ABCD 3ABCD 4ABCDE 5ABCDE 第十四章 中国特色社会主义事业的依靠力量
一、单选题
1、在社会主义社会，知识分子的阶级属性是（）
A、小资产阶级 B、资产阶级 C、工人阶级的一部分 D、独立的社会阶级
2、我国民族区域自治制度的核心问题是（）
A、培养和选拔实行区域自治的民族干部 B、维护国家统一 C、自治机关的自制权问题 D、保障自治区域内各民族的平等
3、作为国家主人和领导力量的工人阶级是指工人队伍中的（）A、国有企业职工 B、国有企业和集体企业职工
C、国有企业、集体企业及公有产权占主导地位的企业的职工 D、所有公有制企业和非公有制企业的职工 4、2003年初，胡锦涛总书记指出，全党工作的重中之重是要解决（）A、西部大开发问题 B、台湾问题
C、农业、农村、农民问题 D、东北老工业区的振兴问题
5、社会主义时期存在民族问题的根源在于（）A、阶级矛盾 B、民族压迫
C、由经济、文化发展不平衡造成的各民族事实上的不平等 D、民族歧视
6、社会主义时期解决民族问题的基本原则是（）A、优先发展少数民族地区的经济、文化
B、维护祖国统一，坚持民族平等、互助、团结和各民族的共同繁荣 C、反对大民族主义 D、反对地方民族主义
7、解决我国民族问题的基本政策是（）
A、鼓励内地的汉族干部、知识分子等支援边疆民族地区 B、建立联邦制下的民族共和国
C、民族区域自治 D、给少数民族地区提供优惠政策
8、新时期爱国统一战线的性质是（）
A、爱国主义的 B、社会主义的 C、民族主义的 D、民主主义的
9、新时期爱国统一战线广泛团结的基础是（）
A、爱国 B、坚持社会主义 C、拥护共产党的领导 D、共同的文化
10、社会主义现代化建设的开拓力量是：（）
A、工人阶级 B、农民 C、知识分子 D、中国人民解放军
二、多选题
1、我国知识分子在改革开放和现代化建设中的重大作用是（）A、先进生产力和科学技术的开拓者 B、人类科学文化知识的重要继承者和传授者 C、优秀精神产品的生产者 D、知识创新、人才开发的主力军
2、现阶段我国爱国统一战线的范围包括（）A、全体社会主义劳动者 B、拥护社会主义的爱国者
C、拥护祖国统一的爱国者 D、台湾同胞、港澳同胞、海外侨胞
3、人民政协的主要职能包括（）
A、民主监督 B、制定国家的法律 C、政治协商 D、参政议政
4、民族自治区拥有广泛的自治权，同时必须履行民族区域自治法规的责任和义务，包括 A、必须维护国家统一，保证宪法和法律在本地区得到遵守和执行 B、要把国家的整体利益放在首位，积极完成上级国家机关交给的任务 C、保证本地区内民族都享有平等权利
D、各民族自治地方的人民政府都要服从国务院
5、下列关于“三农”问题的说法，正确的有（）
A、没有发达的农业作支撑，就没有全面小康社会稳固的物质基础 B、没有农村经济的全面繁荣，就没有国民经济的持续、快速、健康发展 C、没有农民的普遍小康，就没有全国的全面小康 D、“三农”问题应该慢慢解决，不必着急。
6、工人阶级在当代经济进步和社会政治进步中起领导作用，是因为（）A、觉悟最高 B、纪律性最强 C、是无产阶 级 D、同社会化大生产相联系
7、新的社会阶层也是社会主义事业的建设者，包括（）A、个体户和私营企业主
B、中介组织的从业人员和自由职业人员 C、民营科技企业的创业人员和技术人员 D、受聘于外资企业的管理技术人员
8、我国处理民族问题的基本原则有（）A、民族平等原则 B、民族和平共处原则 C、民族团结原则 D、共同繁荣原则
9、江泽民对军队建设提出的总要求是：（）
A、政治合格 B、军事过硬 C、作风优良 D、纪律严明 E、保障有力
10、新时期我国统一战线的对象包括：（）A、全体社会主义劳动者 B、维护社会主义的爱国者 C、拥护祖国统一的爱国者
D、结成反帝反霸统一战线的国际友人 E、社会主义事业的建设者
一、单选题
1—5 CCDCC 6—10 BCBAC
二、多选题
1ABCD 2ABC 3ACD 4ABCD 5ABC 6ABD 7ABCD 8ACD 9ACDE 10ABCE 第十五章 中国特色社会主义事业的领导核心
一、单选题
1.中国共产党的根本组织制度和领导制度是（）A.从群众中来，到群众中去的组织路线 B.民主集中制
C.集体领导与分工合作制 D.群言堂与一言堂相结合
2.加强党的思想建设，根本的是（）A.解放思想，实事求是 B.讲学习、讲政治、讲正气
C.坚持理论联系实际，批评和自我批评
D.坚定不移地用邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想武装全党，贯彻落实科学发展观 3.加强党的作风建设，根本的是（）A.深入实际，调查研究
B.坚持全心全意为人民服务的宗旨，充分发挥党密切联系群众的优势 C.倾听群众呼声，关心群众疾苦，为群众办实事 D.转变工作作风，克服官僚主义和形式主义 4.新时期党的建设面临的历史性课题之一是（）A.抵御美国霸权主义在世界范围的扩张 B.防止恐怖主义在我国制造恐怖活动 C.提高拒腐防变和抵抵御风险的能力 D.制止台独势力分裂祖国的活动
5.加强和改进党的作风建设，核心问题是（）A.坚持理论联系实际 B.加强党内的批评与自我批评 C.保持党同人民群众的血肉联系
D.健全制度，从源头上预防和治理各种不良作风
6.十六大报告指出，贯彻“三个代表”重要思想，本质在（）A.坚持以经济建设为中心 B.坚持四项基本原则 C.坚持改革开放 D.坚持执政为民
7.十六大报告指出，中国共产党坚持先进性和增强创造力的决定性因素是（）A.坚持党的思想路线，解放思想、实事求是、与时俱进 B.搞清楚什么是社会主义以及如何建设社会主义 C.坚持党的基本路线和基本纲领
D.加强和改进新形势下党的群众工作，巩固党的执政基础
8.为研究和完善国家法定节假日制度，国家有关部门按照国务院的部署，通过有关网站进行问卷调查，并在部分城市进行了电话调查。在广泛进行民意调查的基础上，经过一年多的研究论证，确定了新的节假日调整方案。这体现的执政理念是（）A.依法执政 B.科学执政 C.民主执政 D.理性执政 9.中国共产党对我国社会主义事业的领导体现在（）A.政治领导、思想领导
B.政治领导、思想领导、组织领导 C.领导人民代表大会
D.共产党领导下的多党合作、政治协商
10.要扩大党的群众基础，不断提高我党的社会影响力，就必须（）A.主要在工人、农民中发展党员
B.主要在工人、农民、知识分子、军人、干部中发展党员 C.主要吸收和发展各个劳动者阶层的革命分子入党
D.把社会上符合党员条件的其他方面的优秀分子也吸收到党内来
二、多选题
1.中国共产党执政地位体现在（）
A.从中央到地方各级政权机关都处在党的统一领导下 B.党管干部
C.党对军队的绝对领导 D.党代行国家机关的某些职能
2.体现和保持无产阶级政党先进性的条件有（）A.由无产阶级先进分子组成 B.以马克思主义为指导思想 C.实行民主集中制的组织原则 D.党内不允许有任何政治派别存在
3.中国共产党既是是工人阶级的先锋队，又是中国人民和中华民族的先锋队。这是（）A.体现了党的先进性和动态发展的要求 B.解决了党同最广大人民群众的关系问题 C.更加强调党的工人阶级先锋队性质 D.反映了中国共产党的执政规律和要求 4.党的组织建设的主要内容包括（）
A.坚持和健全民主集中制 B.培养和选拔德才兼备的领导干部 C.加强和改进党的基层组织建设 D.完善党的代表大会制度 5.新时期，加强党的建设具有特殊重要性，因为党面临（）A.执政的考验B.改革开放的考验
C.发展市场经济的考验D.和平演变的考验 6.加强党的建设主要包括（）
A.思想建设B.组织建设C.作风建设D.制度建设
7.看一个政党是否先进，是不是工人阶级先锋队，主要应看（）A.它的理论和纲领是不是马克思主义的 B.它是否代表了人类社会发展的正确方向 C.它的成员是否主要来自工人阶级 D.它是否代表最广大人民的根本利益
8.坚持与时俱进，就是党的全部理论和全部工作要（）A.体现时代性B.把握规律性C.富于创造性D.注重协调性 9.不断完善党的领导方式和执政方式，必须坚持（）A.科学执政B.民主执政C.依法执政D.有效执政
10.20世纪50年代中期，邓小平多次强调，执政的中国共产党必须接受来自几个方面的监督，具体包括（）
A.党内的监督B.人民群众的监督C.海外人士的监督D.民主党派和无党派民主人士的监督
11.中国共产党之所以成为我国社会主义事业的领导核心，是由（）A.党的性质决定的B.党的宗旨决定的
C.党的奋斗历史证明的D.改革开放的历史证明的
12.加强党的建设的目的，是为了更好地发挥我们党的（）A.政治思想优势B.组织优势C.作风优势 D.密切联系人民群众的优势
13.新时期我们党的建设所要解决的两大课题是（）A.重新确定“解放思想、实事求是”的思想路线 B.提高我们党的领导水平和执政水平C.增强我们党拒腐防变的能力 D.用邓小平理论统一认识，武装头脑
14.中国共产党的性质、宗旨和所处的地位是（）A.它是中国工人阶级的先锋队 B.它是中国先进生产力发展要求的代表 C.它代表着中国先进文化的前进方向 D.它代表中国最广大人民群众的根本利益
一、单选题
1-5: BDBCC 6-10: DACBD
二、多选题 1.ABC 2.ABCD 3.ABCD 4.ABCD 5.ABCD 6.ABCD 7.ABD 8.ABC 9.ABC 10.ABD 11.ABCD 12.ABD 13.BC 14.ABCD
第三篇：美国总统演讲
乔治·华盛顿
美国人民的实验
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order，and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand，I was summoned by my Country，whose voice I can never hearbut with veneration and love,from a retreat which I hadchosen with the fondest predilection,and,in my flattering hopes,with an immutable decision,as the asylum of my declining years-a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination ,and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand ,themagnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me,being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications,could not but overwhelm with despondence one who（inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration）ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if ,in executing this task ,I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances ,or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens,and havethence too litter consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me ,my error will be palliated bythe motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have ,in obedience to the public summons,repaired to the present station ,it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe,who presides in the councils of nations,and whose providential aids can supply every human defect,that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes,and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good,I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ,nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be boundto acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency,and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude,along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections,arising out of the present crisis,have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You Will join with me ,I trust,in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the
President“to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”The circumstances under which I now meet you Will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled ,and which,in defining your powers ,designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances,and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me ,to substitute ,in place of a recommendation of particular measures ,the tribute that is due to the talents ,the rectitude ,and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In those honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices,will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests,so , on another ,that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality , and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire,since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exist in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virture and happiness.between duty and advantage.between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity.since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained.and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the tepublican model of government are justly considered,perhaps,as deeply ,as finally,staked on the experiment rntrusted to the hands of the American people.Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care ,it will remain with your judgement to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system ,or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject,in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities,I shall again give way to me entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good.for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government,or which ought to await the future lessons of experience,a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the questions how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add ,which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself ,and will therefore be aswbrief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country ,then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties ,the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed.and being still under the impressions which produced it ,I must decline as inapplicable to myself.any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ,and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it belimited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awaken by the occasion which brings us together ,I shall take my present leave.but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in the humble supplication that ,since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility ,and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness ,so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views ,the temperate consultation ,and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.译文
参议院和众议院的公民们:
在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月十四日收到你们送达的通知更使我焦虑不安。一方面，国家召唤我出任总统一职，对于她的召唤，我只能肃然从命。而隐退是我以挚爱心情，满腔希望和坚定决心所选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，越来越感到隐退的必要和珍贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此巨大而艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚钝，又没有民政管理经验，应该倍觉自己能力不足，因此必然感到难以担此重任。怀着这种矛盾的心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来恪尽职责，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因沉溺于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我高度的信赖，因而过分受到了影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会出于使我误入歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在批判错误的后果时，也会适应包涵产生这些动机的偏见。
既然这就是我在遵奉公众召唤就任现职时的感想，那么，在此宣誓就职之际，如不热情地祈求全能的上帝将是一件非常不当的事，因为上帝统治着宇宙，主宰着各国政府，它的神助能弥补人类的任何不足。愿上帝赐福，保佑一个为了美国人民的自由和幸福而组建的政府，保佑它为这些基本目的而做出的贡献，保佑政治的各项行政措施在我负责之下都能成功的发挥作用。我相信，在向公众利益和私人利益的伟大缔造者献这份崇敬时，这些话也同样表了各位和广大公民的心声。没有人能比美国人民更坚定不移地承认和崇拜掌管人类事务的上帝。他们在迈向独立国家的进程中，似乎每一步都有某种天佑的现象。他们在刚刚完成的联邦政府体制的重大改革中，如果不是由虔诚的感恩而获得的某种回报，如果不是谦卑地期待着过去有所预示的赐福的到来，那么，通过众多截然不同的集团的平静思考和自愿赞同来完成改革，这种方式是难以同大多数政府在组建过程中所采用的方式相比的。在目前转折关头，我产生这些想法确实是深有所感而不能自己。我相信大家会和我怀有同感，即如果不能仰仗上帝的力量，一个新生的自由政府就无法做到一开始就事事如意。
根据设立行政部门的条款，总统有责任“将他认为必要而适宜的措施提请国会审议”。但在目前与各位见面的这个场合，恕我不进一步讨论这个问题，而只是提一下伟大的宪法，它使各位今天欢聚一堂，它规定了各位的权限，指出了各位应该注意的目标。在这样的场合，更恰当，也更能反应我内心的激情的做法不是提出具体措施，而是称颂将要规划和采纳这些措施的当选者的才能，正直和爱国心。我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派歧视，都不能使我们偏离全局的观念和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和不同利益所组建的大联合政权；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯正不够的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。
我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界法则和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的关系；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了永恒的秩序和权利法则，他绝不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈颜欢笑；因为人们理所当然地，满怀深情地，也许是最后一次地把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。
除了提醒各位注意的一般事务外，在当前的时刻，根据激烈反对共和制的各种意见的性质，或根据引起这些意见的不同程度，在必要时行使宪法第五条授予的权利究竟有多大益处，将依靠你们来加以判断和决定。在这个问题上，我无法从过去担任过的职务中得到借鉴 因此我不提具体的建议，而是再一次完全信任各位对公众利益的辨别和追求；因为我相信，各位只要谨慎，避免做出任何可能危及团结而有效的政府利益的修订，或避免作出应该等待未来经验教训的修订，那么，各位对自由人特有权利的尊重和对社会安定的关注，就足以影响大家慎重考虑应在何种程度上坚定不移地加强前者，并有利无弊的促进后者。
除上述建议外，我还补充一点，而且觉得向众议院提出最恰当。这条意见与我有关，因此应当尽量讲得简短一些。我第一次荣幸地响应号召为国家效劳时，正值我国为自由而艰苦奋斗之际，我对我的职责的看法要求我必须放弃任何俸禄。我从未违背过这一决定。如今，促使我作出这一同样决定的想法仍然支配着我，因此，我必须拒绝对我来说不适宜的任何个人津贴可能被列入并成为政府部门常设基金不可分割的一部分。同样，我必须恳求各位，在估算我就任这个职位所需要的费用时，可以根据我的任期以公众利益所需的实际费用为限。
我已经把有感于这一聚会场合的想法告诉了各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我还在一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人民有了深思熟虑的机会，有了为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的时，上帝将会保佑我们逐步扩大眼界，稳定地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所比不可缺少的依靠。
第四篇：美国总统演讲全集
美国历届总统就职演说
President
George Washington John Adams Thomas Jefferson James Madison James Monroe John Quincy Adams Andrew Jackson Martin Van Buren William Henry Harrison James Polk Zachary Taylor Franklin Pierce James Buchanan Abraham Lincoln Ulysses S.Grant Rutherford B.Hayes James A.Garfield Grover Cleveland Benjamin Harrison William McKinley Theodore Roosevelt William Howard Taft Woodrow Wilson Warren G.Harding
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Calvin Coolidge Herbert Hoover Franklin D.Roosevelt Harry S.Truman Dwight D.Eisenhower John F.Kennedy Lyndon Baines Johnson Richard Milhous Nixon Jimmy Carter Ronald Reagan George Bush Bill Clinton George W.Bush
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First Inaugural Address of George Washington THE CITY OF NEW YORK THURSDAY, APRIL 30, 1789
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month.On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time.On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who(inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration)ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected.All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate
sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow-citizens at large less than either.No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency;and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President “to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given.It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness;between duty and advantage;between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid
rewards of public prosperity and felicity;since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained;and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.※
Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them.Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good;for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives.It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible.When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation.From this resolution I have in no instance departed;and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave;but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.Second Inaugural Address of George Washington
THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793
Fellow Citizens:
I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate.When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office.This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may(besides incurring constitutional punishment)be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.Inaugural Address of John Adams
INAUGURAL ADDRESS IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1797
When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country.Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society.The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered.But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its
authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences--universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity.Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country.Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested.In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish.Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private.It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent.Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution.The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?
There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their
neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good.Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented.It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear.The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people.And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections.If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good.If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations.It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves;and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.Such is the amiable and interesting system of government(and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed)which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year.His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace.This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence;but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth;if an attachment to the
Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it;if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments;if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western, position, their various political opinions on unessential points or their personal attachments;if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations;if a love of science and letters and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of preserving our Constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments;if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration;if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufacturers for necessity, convenience, and defense;if a spirit of equity and humanity toward the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them;if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this Government and so solemnly sanctioned by both Houses of Congress and applauded by the legislatures of the States and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress;if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations;if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be preserved, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause and remove every colorable pretense of complaint;if an intention to pursue by amicable negotiation a reparation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation, and if success can not be obtained, to lay the facts before the Legislature, that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the Government and its constituents demand;if a resolution to do justice as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and maintain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world;if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and resources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all and never been deceived;if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties toward it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people deeply engraved on my mind in early life, and not obscured but exalted by experience and age;and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call themselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me in any degree to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor that this sagacious injunction of the two Houses shall not be without effect.With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit, the faith and honor, the duty and
interest, of the same American people pledged to support the Constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continuance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared without hesitation to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power.And may that Being who is supreme over all, the Patron of Order, the Fountain of Justice, and the Protector in all ages of the world of virtuous liberty, continue His blessing upon this nation and its Government and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of His providence.-John Adams
Thomas Jefferson First Inaugural Address
First Inaugural Address March 4, 1801
FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS，Called upon to undertake the duties of the first executive office of our country, I avail myself of the presence of that portion of my fellow-citizens which is here assembled to express my grateful thanks for the favor with which they have been pleased to look toward me, to declare a sincere consciousness that the task is above my talents, and that I approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of my powers so justly inspire.A rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the rich productions of their industry, engaged in commerce with nations who feel power and forget right, advancing rapidly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye--when I contemplate these transcendent objects, and see the honor, the happiness, and the hopes of this beloved country committed to the issue and the auspices of this day, I shrink from the contemplation, and humble myself before the magnitude of the undertaking.Utterly, indeed, should I despair did not the presence of many whom I here see remind me that in the other high authorities provided by our Constitution I shall find resources of wisdom, of virtue, and of zeal on which to rely under all difficulties.To you, then, gentlemen, who are charged with the sovereign functions of legislation, and to those associated with you, I look with encouragement for that guidance and support which may enable us to steer with safety the vessel in which we are all embarked amidst the conflicting elements of a troubled world.During the contest of opinion through which we have passed the animation of discussions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely and to speak and to write what they think;but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the Constitution, all will, of course, arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good.All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable;that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression.Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and
one mind.Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things.And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions.During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore;that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety.But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle.We have called by different names brethren of the same principle.We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it.I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough;but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not.I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth.I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern.Sometimes it is said that man can not be trusted with the government of himself.Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government.Kindly separated by nature and a wide ocean from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe;too high-minded to endure the degradations of the others;possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation;entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, resulting not from birth, but from our actions and their sense of them;enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man;acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter--with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens--a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned.This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities.About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration.I will compress them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its
limitations.Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political;peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none;the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies;the preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad;a jealous care of the right of election by the people--a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided;absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism;a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war till regulars may relieve them;the supremacy of the civil over the military authority;economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened;the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith;encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid;the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason;freedom of religion;freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation.The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment.They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust;and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.I repair, then, fellow-citizens, to the post you have assigned me.With experience enough in subordinate offices to have seen the difficulties of this the greatest of all, I have learnt to expect that it will rarely fall to the lot of imperfect man to retire from this station with the reputation and the favor which bring him into it.Without pretensions to that high confidence you reposed in our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeminent services had entitled him to the first place in his country's love and destined for him the fairest page in the volume of faithful history, I ask so much confidence only as may give firmness and effect to the legal administration of your affairs.I shall often go wrong through defect of judgment.When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground.I ask your indulgence for my own errors, which will never be intentional, and your support against the errors of others, who may condemn what they would not if seen in all its parts.The approbation implied by your suffrage is a great consolation to me for the past, and my future solicitude will be to retain the good opinion of those who have bestowed it in advance, to conciliate that of others by doing them all the good in my power, and to be instrumental to the happiness and freedom of all.Relying, then, on the patronage of your good will, I advance with obedience to the work, ready to retire from it whenever you become sensible how much better choice it is in your power to make.And may that Infinite Power which rules the destinies of the universe lead our councils to what is best, and give them a favorable issue for your peace and prosperity.Thomas Jefferson Second Inaugural Address
Second Inaugural Address March 4, 1805
Proceeding, fellow citizens, to that qualification which the constitution requires, before my entrance on the charge again conferred upon me, it is my duty to express the deep sense I entertain of this new proof of confidence from my fellow citizens at large, and the zeal with which it inspires me, so to conduct myself as may best satisfy their just expectations.On taking this station on a former occasion, I declared the principles on which I believed it my duty to administer the affairs of our commonwealth.My conscience tells me that I have, on every occasion, acted up to that declaration, according to its obvious import, and to the understanding of every candid mind.In the transaction of your foreign affairs, we have endeavored to cultivate the friendship of all nations, and especially of those with which we have the most important relations.We have done them justice on all occasions, favored where favor was lawful, and cherished mutual interests and intercourse on fair and equal terms.We are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties;and history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is taken on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others.At home, fellow citizens, you best know whether we have done well or ill.The suppression of unnecessary offices, of useless establishments and expenses, enabled us to discontinue our internal taxes.These covering our land with officers, and opening our doors to their intrusions, had already begun that process of domiciliary vexation which, once entered, is scarcely to be restrained from reaching successively every article of produce and property.If among these taxes some minor ones fell which had not been inconvenient, it was because their amount would not have paid the officers who collected them, and because, if they had any merit, the state authorities might adopt them, instead of others less approved.The remaining revenue on the consumption of foreign articles, is paid cheerfully by those who can afford to add foreign luxuries to domestic comforts, being collected on our seaboards and frontiers only, and incorporated with the transactions of our mercantile citizens, it may be the pleasure and pride of an American to ask, what farmer, what mechanic, what laborer, ever sees a tax-gatherer of the United States? These contributions enable us to support the current expenses of the government, to fulfil contracts with foreign nations, to extinguish the native right of soil within our limits, to extend those limits, and to apply such a surplus to our public debts, as places at a short day their final redemption, and that redemption once effected, the revenue thereby liberated may, by a just repartition among the states, and a corresponding amendment of the constitution, be applied, _in time of peace_, to rivers, canals, roads, arts, manufactures, education, and other great objects within each state._In time of war_, if injustice, by ourselves or others, must sometimes
produce war, increased as the same revenue will be increased by population and consumption, and aided by other resources reserved for that crisis, it may meet within the year all the expenses of the year, without encroaching on the rights of future generations, by burdening them with the debts of the past.War will then be but a suspension of useful works, and a return to a state of peace, a return to the progress of improvement.I have said, fellow citizens, that the income reserved had enabled us to extend our limits;but that extension may possibly pay for itself before we are called on, and in the meantime, may keep down the accruing interest;in all events, it will repay the advances we have made.I know that the acquisition of Louisiana has been disapproved by some, from a candid apprehension that the enlargement of our territory would endanger its union.But who can limit the extent to which the federative principle may operate effectively? The larger our association, the less will it be shaken by local passions;and in any view, is it not better that the opposite bank of the Mississippi should be settled by our own brethren and children, than by strangers of another family? With which shall we be most likely to live in harmony and friendly intercourse?
In matters of religion, I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general government.I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it;but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of state or church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies.The aboriginal inhabitants of these countries I have regarded with the commiseration their history inspires.Endowed with the faculties and the rights of men, breathing an ardent love of liberty and independence, and occupying a country which left them no desire but to be undisturbed, the stream of overflowing population from other regions directed itself on these shores;without power to divert, or habits to contend against, they have been overwhelmed by the current, or driven before it;now reduced within limits too narrow for the hunter's state, humanity enjoins us to teach them agriculture and the domestic arts;to encourage them to that industry which alone can enable them to maintain their place in existence, and to prepare them in time for that state of society, which to bodily comforts adds the improvement of the mind and morals.We have therefore liberally furnished them with the implements of husbandry and household use;we have placed among them instructors in the arts of first necessity;and they are covered with the aegis of the law against aggressors from among ourselves.But the endeavors to enlighten them on the fate which awaits their present course of life, to induce them to exercise their reason, follow its dictates, and change their pursuits with the change of circumstances, have powerful obstacles to encounter;they are combated by the habits of their bodies, prejudice of their minds, ignorance, pride, and the influence of interested and crafty individuals among them, who feel themselves something in the present order of things, and fear to become nothing in any other.These persons inculcate a sanctimonious reverence for the customs of their ancestors;that whatsoever they did, must be done through all time;that reason is a false guide, and to advance under its counsel, in their physical, moral, or political condition, is perilous innovation;that their duty is to remain as their Creator made them, ignorance being safety, and
knowledge full of danger;in short, my friends, among them is seen the action and counteraction of good sense and bigotry;they, too, have their anti-philosophers, who find an interest in keeping things in their present state, who dread reformation, and exert all their faculties to maintain the ascendency of habit over the duty of improving our reason, and obeying its mandates.In giving these outlines, I do not mean, fellow citizens, to arrogate to myself the merit of the measures;that is due, in the first place, to the reflecting character of our citizens at large, who, by the weight of public opinion, influence and strengthen the public measures;it is due to the sound discretion with which they select from among themselves those to whom they confide the legislative duties;it is due to the zeal and wisdom of the characters thus selected, who lay the foundations of public happiness in wholesome laws, the execution of which alone remains for others;and it is due to the able and faithful auxiliaries, whose patriotism has associated with me in the executive functions.During this course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare.These abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science, are deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its usefulness, and to sap its safety;they might, indeed, have been corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved and provided by the laws of the several States against falsehood and defamation;but public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants, and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation.Nor was it uninteresting to the world, that an experiment should be fairly and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of truth--whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be written down by falsehood and defamation.The experiment has been tried;you have witnessed the scene;our fellow citizens have looked on, cool and collected;they saw the latent source from which these outrages proceeded;they gathered around their public functionaries, and when the constitution called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their verdict, honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to the friend of man, who believes he may be intrusted with his own affairs.No inference is here intended, that the laws, provided by the State against false and defamatory publications, should not be enforced;he who has time, renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law;but the experiment is noted, to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint;the public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties;and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain, its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion.Contemplating the union of sentiment now manifested so generally, as auguring harmony and
happiness to our future course, I offer to our country sincere congratulations.With those, too, not yet rallied to the same point, the disposition to do so is gaining strength;facts are piercing through the veil drawn over them;and our doubting brethren will at length see, that the mass of their fellow citizens, with whom they cannot yet resolve to act, as to principles and measures, think as they think, and desire what they desire;that our wish, as well as theirs, is, that the public efforts may be directed honestly to the public good, that peace be cultivated, civil and religious liberty unassailed, law and order preserved;equality of rights maintained, and that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry, or that of his fathers.When satisfied of these views, it is not in human nature that they should not approve and support them;in the meantime, let us cherish them with patient affection;let us do them justice, and more than justice, in all competitions of interest;and we need not doubt that truth, reason, and their own interests, will at length prevail, will gather them into the fold of their country, and will complete their entire union of opinion, which gives to a nation the blessing of harmony, and the benefit of all its strength.I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow citizens have again called me, and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved.I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray;I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice;but the weakness of human nature, and the limits of my own understanding, will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests.I shall need, therefore, all the indulgence I have heretofore experienced--the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years.I shall need, too, the favor of that Being in whose hands we are, who led our forefathers, as Israel of old, from their native land, and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaries and comforts of life;who has covered our infancy with his providence, and our riper years with his wisdom and power;and to whose goodness I ask you to join with me in supplications, that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants, guide their councils, and prosper their measures, that whatsoever they do, shall result in your good, and shall secure to you the peace, friendship, and approbation of all nations.First Inaugural Address of James Madison
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1809
Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented to express the profound impression made on me by the call of my country to the station to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself by the most solemn of sanctions.So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would under any circumstances have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed.Under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to me are inexpressibly enhanced.The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel and that of our own country full of difficulties.The pressure of these, too, is the more severely felt because they have fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the change has been rendered the more striking.Under the benign influence of our republican institutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations whilst so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just policy were enjoyed in an unrivaled growth of our faculties and resources.Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the successful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of manufacturers and useful arts, in the increase of the public revenue and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establishments everywhere multiplying over the face of our land.It is a precious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for some time been distressing us is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involuntary errors in the public councils.Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice, and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality.If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned;posterity at least will do justice to them.This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers.In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law.How long their arbitrary edicts will be continued in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempt to induce a revocation of them, can not be anticipated.Assuring myself that under every vicissitude the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me with no other discouragement than what springs from my own inadequacy to its high duties.If I do not sink under the weight of this deep conviction it is because I find some support in a consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me into this arduous service.To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions;to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations;to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms;to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones;to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others;to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness;to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities;to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system;to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction;to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private
and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press;to observe economy in public expenditures;to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts;to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics--that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe;to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce;to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty;to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state--as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread lighted by examples of illustrious services successfully rendered in the most trying difficulties by those who have marched before me.Of those of my immediate predecessor it might least become me here to speak.I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed or exalted talents zealously devoted through a long career to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness.But the source to which I look or the aids which alone can supply my deficiencies is in the well-tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow-citizens, and in the counsels of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interests.In these my confidence will under every difficulty be best placed, next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising Republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future.Second Inaugural Address of James Madison
THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1813
About to add the solemnity of an oath to the obligations imposed by a second call to the station in which my country heretofore placed me, I find in the presence of this respectable assembly an opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a confidence and of the responsibility united with it.The impressions on me are strengthened by such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to discharge my arduous duties have been favorably estimated, and by a consideration of the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed.From the weight and magnitude now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrink if I had less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and felt less deeply a conviction that the war with a
powerful nation, which forms so prominent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which invites the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful termination.May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect on the characters by which this war is distinguished?
It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long made on them, in reality though not in name;until arguments and postulations had been exhausted;until a positive declaration had been received that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued;nor until this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political institutions, and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering or regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles our lost rank and respect among independent powers.On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the high seas and the security of an important class of citizens whose occupations give the proper value to those of every other class.Not to contend for such a stake is to surrender our equality with other powers on the element common to all and to violate the sacred title which every member of the society has to its protection.I need not call into view the unlawfulness of the practice by which our mariners are forced at the will of every cruising officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages inseparable from it.The proofs are in the records of each successive Administration of our Government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion of the American people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the sympathies of human nature.As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in its objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it on no principle of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of courtesy or humanity, have been infringed.The war has been waged on our part with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of liberality which was never surpassed.How little has been the effect of this example on the conduct of the enemy!
They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraint to the United States, incorporated by naturalization into our political family, and fighting under the authority of their adopted country in open and honorable war for the maintenance of its rights and safety.Such is the avowed purpose of a Government which is in the practice of naturalizing by thousands citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but compelling them to fight its battles against their native country.They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loose the savages armed with these cruel instruments;have allured them into their service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut their savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish the work of torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives.And, what was never before seen, British commanders have
extorted victory over the unconquerable valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of their chief captives awaiting massacre from their savage associates.And now we find them, in further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying the place of a conquering force by attempts to disorganize our political society, to dismember our confederated Republic.Happily, like others, these will recoil on the authors;but they mark the degenerate counsels from which they emanate, and if they did not belong to a sense of unexampled inconsistencies might excite the greater wonder as proceeding from a Government which founded the very war in which it has been so long engaged on a charge against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress.The sword was scarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable terms on which it would be resheathed.Still more precise advances were repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not placed on the military resources of the nation.These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable issue.Our nation is in number more than half that of the British Isles.It is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people.Our country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and the comforts of life.A general prosperity is visible in the public countenance.The means employed by the British cabinet to undermine it have recoiled on themselves;have given to our national faculties a more rapid development, and, draining or diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults, have poured them into those of the United States.It is a propitious consideration that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable facility for the contributions required to support it.When the public voice called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be carried on through the period which it might last, and the patriotism, the good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow-citizens are pledges for the cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden.To render the war short and its success sure, animated and systematic exertions alone are necessary, and the success of our arms now may long preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them.Already have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element.If the reputation of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting to correspondent triumphs there also but the discipline and habits which are in daily progress.First Inaugural Address of James Monroe
TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1817
I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence in calling me to the high office whose functions
I am about to assume.As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it can alone feel.MY sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust and of the nature and extent of its duties, with the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected.Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result.From a just responsibility I will never shrink, calculating with confidence that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare my motives will always be duly appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective Administrations.In following their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to produce the present happy condition of the United States.They will best explain the nature of our duties and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight.Through this whole term the Government has been what may emphatically be called self-government.And what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions.During a period fraught with difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United States have flourished beyond example.Their citizens individually have been happy and the nation prosperous.Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations and between the States;new States have been admitted into our Union;our territory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original States;the States, respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parental system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered.And if we look to the condition of individuals what a proud spectacle does it exhibit!On whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows in the mode which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent;and I add with peculiar satisfaction that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on anyone for the crime of high treason.Some who might admit the competency of our Government to these beneficent duties might doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations.Here too experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favor.Just as this Constitution was put into action several of the principal States of Europe had become much
agitated and some of them seriously convulsed.Destructive wars ensued, which have of late only been terminated.In the course of these conflicts the United States received great injury from several of the parties.It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the party committing the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and honorable conduct the friendship of all.War became at length inevitable, and the result has shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavorable circumstances.Of the virtue of the people and of the heroic exploits of the Army, the Navy, and the militia I need not speak.Such, then, is the happy Government under which we live--a Government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed;a Government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may by his merit obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution;which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at variance one portion of the community with another;a Government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against injustice from foreign powers.Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our Union and to cling to the Government which supports it.Fortunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend.Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe.Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain.Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow-men in other countries.Such is our peculiar felicity that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it.The great agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection.Local interests are not less fostered by it.Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in navigation find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights.Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and the surplus of our produce a steady and profitable market by local wants in less-favored parts at home.Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it.What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist they ought to be ascertained and guarded against.In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be asked, What raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the National Government sufficient power for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? The Government has been in the hands of the people.To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust is the credit due.Had the
eople of the United States been educated in different principles had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career or been blessed with the same success? While, then, the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state everything will be safe.They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department.It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty.Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found.The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin.Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force.Let us by all wise and constitutional measures promote intelligence among the people as the best means of preserving our liberties.Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention.Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to overset our Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation.Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and pacific policy of our Government may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against.Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state.Many are engaged in the fisheries.These interests are exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experience if we did not expect it.We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties.A people who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations.National honor is national property of the highest value.The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength.It ought therefore to be cherished.To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing.To put our extensive coast in such a state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will be attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work.Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes--the former to garrison and preserve our fortifications and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war;the latter, retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation.In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time.of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defense and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable
But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the safety of these States and of everything
dear to a free people must depend in an eminent degree on the militia.Invasions may be made too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport either with the principles of our Government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain.In such cases recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect.It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency.The arrangement should be such as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country.If formed on equal and just principles, it can not be oppressive.It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it.This arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war.With such an organization of such a people the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion.At its approach an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion.Other interests of high importance will claim attention, among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place.By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country, and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and, by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together.Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong.A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United States--a territory so vast and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts!
Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the Government.Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done on supplies from other countries.While we are thus dependent the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that case instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance the price and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets.With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions.Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization.The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resources for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which the public necessities require.The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration.These resources, besides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely
in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period.Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind;it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.The Executive is charged officially in the Departments under it with the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the purposes for which it is raised.The Legislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse.It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made.To meet the requisite responsibility every facility should be afforded to the Executive to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money strictly and promptly to account.Nothing should be presumed against them;but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confined to them.It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the Administration which will be felt by the whole community.I shall do all I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the Administration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal.A thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it.It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the discharge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace.It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness.It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just principles with all nations, claiming nothing unreasonable of any and rendering to each what is due.Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion which pervades our Union.Discord does not belong to our system.Union is recommended as well by the free and benign principles of our Government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it.The American people have encountered together great dangers and sustained severe trials with success.They constitute one great family with a common interest.Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country.The progress has been slow, dictated by a just reflection and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it.To promote this harmony in accord with the principles of our republican Government and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects the best interests of our Union, will be the object of my constant and zealous exertions.Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor ever was success so complete.If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so prosperous and happy.In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen must expand with joy when he reflects how near our Government has approached to perfection;that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make;that the great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which characterize it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people;and as a security against foreign dangers to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights and liberties.If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the path already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a
gracious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to await us.In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to their successors.From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford.Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement the affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious service.Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.Second Inaugural Address of James Monroe
MONDAY, MARCH 5, 1821
Fellow-Citizens:
I shall not attempt to describe the grateful emotions which the new and very distinguished proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, evinced by my reelection to this high trust, has excited in my bosom.The approbation which it announces of my conduct in the preceding term affords me a consolation which I shall profoundly feel through life.The general accord with which it has been expressed adds to the great and never-ceasing obligations which it imposes.To merit the continuance of this good opinion, and to carry it with me into my retirement as the solace of advancing years, will be the object of my most zealous and unceasing efforts.Having no pretensions to the high and commanding claims of my predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified with our Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote its success, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause of the union which has prevailed in the late election In surmounting, in favor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often produce division in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes, indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you together.That these powerful causes exist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion;that they may produce a like accord in all questions touching, however remotely, the liberty, prosperity and happiness of our country will always be the object of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author of All Good.In a government which is founded by the people, who possess exclusively the sovereignty, it
seems proper that the person who may be placed by their suffrages in this high trust should declare on commencing its duties the principles on which he intends to conduct the Administration.If the person thus elected has served the preceding term, an opportunity is afforded him to review its principal occurrences and to give such further explanation respecting them as in his judgment may be useful to his constituents.The events of one year have influence on those of another, and, in like manner, of a preceding on the succeeding Administration.The movements of a great nation are connected in all their parts.If errors have been committed they ought to be corrected;if the policy is sound it ought to be supported.It is by a thorough knowledge of the whole subject that our fellow-citizens are enabled to judge correctly of the past and to give a proper direction to the future.Just before the commencement of the last term the United States had concluded a war with a very powerful nation on conditions equal and honorable to both parties.The events of that war are too recent and too deeply impressed on the memory of all to require a development from me.Our commerce had been in a great measure driven from the sea, our Atlantic and inland frontiers were invaded in almost every part;the waste of life along our coast and on some parts of our inland frontiers, to the defense of which our gallant and patriotic citizens were called, was immense, in addition to which not less than $120,000,000 were added at its end to the public debt.As soon as the war had terminated, the nation, admonished by its events, resolved to place itself in a situation which should be better calculated to prevent the recurrence of a like evil, and, in case it should recur, to mitigate its calamities.With this view, after reducing our land force to the basis of a peace establishment, which has been further modified since, provision was made for the construction of fortifications at proper points through the whole extent of our coast and such an augmentation of our naval force as should be well adapted to both purposes.The laws making this provision were passed in 1815 and 1816, and it has been since the constant effort of the Executive to carry them into effect.The advantage of these fortifications and of an augmented naval force in the extent contemplated, in a point of economy, has been fully illustrated by a report of the Board of Engineers and Naval Commissioners lately communicated to Congress, by which it appears that in an invasion by 20,000 men, with a correspondent naval force, in a campaign of six months only, the whole expense of the construction of the works would be defrayed by the difference in the sum necessary to maintain the force which would be adequate toour defense with the aid of those works and that which would be incurred without them.The reason of this difference is obvious.If fortifications are judiciously placed on our great inlets, as distant from our cities as circumstances will permit, they will form the only points of attack, and the enemy will be detained there by a small regular force a sufficient time to enable our militia to collect and repair to that on which the attack is made.A force adequate to the enemy, collected at that single point, with suitable preparation for such others as might be menaced, is all that would be requisite.But if there were no fortifications, then the enemy might go where he pleased, and, changing his position and sailing from place to place, our force must be called out and spread in vast numbers along the whole coast and on both sides of every bay and river as high up in each as it might be navigable for ships of war.By these fortifications, supported by our Navy, to which they would afford like support, we should present
to other powers an armed front from St.Croix to the Sabine, which would protect in the event of war our whole coast and interior from invasion;and even in the wars of other powers, in which we were neutral, they would be found eminently useful, as, by keeping their public ships at a distance from our cities, peace and order in them would be preserved and the Government be protected from insult.It need scarcely be remarked that these measures have not been resorted to in a spirit of hostility to other powers.Such a disposition does not exist toward any power.Peace and good will have been, and will hereafter be, cultivated with all, and by the most faithful regard to justice.They have been dictated by a love of peace, of economy, and an earnest desire to save the lives of our fellow-citizens from that destruction and our country from that devastation which are inseparable from war when it finds us unprepared for it.It is believed, and experience has shown, that such a preparation is the best expedient that can be resorted to prevent war.I add with much pleasure that considerable progress has already been made in these measures of defense, and that they will be completed in a few years, considering the great extent and importance of the object, if the plan be zealously and steadily persevered in.The conduct of the Government in what relates to foreign powers is always an object of the highest importance to the nation.Its agriculture, commerce, manufactures, fisheries, revenue, in short, its peace, may all be affected by it.Attention is therefore due to this subject.At the period adverted to the powers of Europe, after having been engaged in long and destructive wars with each other, had concluded a peace, which happily still exists.Our peace with the power with whom we had been engaged had also been concluded.The war between Spain and the colonies in South America, which had commenced many years before, was then the only conflict that remained unsettled.This being a contest between different parts of the same community, in which other powers had not interfered, was not affected by their accommodations.This contest was considered at an early stage by my predecessor a civil war in which the parties were entitled to equal rights in our ports.This decision, the first made by any power, being formed on great consideration of the comparative strength and resources of the parties, the length of time, and successful opposition made by the colonies, and of all other circumstances on which it ought to depend, was in strict accord with the law of nations.Congress has invariably acted on this principle, having made no change in our relations with either party.Our attitude has therefore been that of neutrality between them, which has been maintained by the Government with the strictest impartiality.No aid has been afforded to either, nor has any privilege been enjoyed by the one which has not been equally open to the other party, and every exertion has been made in its power to enforce the execution of the laws prohibiting illegal equipments with equal rigor against both.By this equality between the parties their public vessels have been received in our ports on the same footing;they have enjoyed an equal right to purchase and export arms, munitions of war, and every other supply, the exportation of all articles whatever being permitted under laws which were passed long before the commencement of the contest;our citizens have traded equally with both, and their commerce with each has been alike protected by the Government.Respecting the attitude which it may be proper for the United States to maintain hereafter between the parties, I have no hesitation in stating it as my opinion that the neutrality heretofore observed should still be adhered to.From the change in the Government of Spain and the negotiation now depending, invited by the Cortes and accepted by the colonies, it may be presumed, that their differences will be settled on the terms proposed by the colonies.Should the war be continued, the United States, regarding its occurrences, will always have it in their power to adopt such measures respecting it as their honor and interest may require.Shortly after the general peace a band of adventurers took advantage of this conflict and of the facility which it afforded to establish a system of buccaneering in the neighboring seas, to the great annoyance of the commerce of the United States, and, as was represented, of that of other powers.Of this spirit and of its injurious bearing on the United States strong proofs were afforded by the establishment at Amelia Island, and the purposes to which it was made instrumental by this band in 1817, and by the occurrences which took place in other parts of Florida in 1818, the details of which in both instances are too well known to require to be now recited.I am satisfied had a less decisive course been adopted that the worst consequences would have resulted from it.We have seen that these checks, decisive as they were, were not sufficient to crush that piratical spirit.Many culprits brought within our limits have been condemned to suffer death, the punishment due to that atrocious crime.The decisions of upright and enlightened tribunals fall equally on all whose crimes subject them, by a fair interpretation of the law, to its censure.It belongs to the Executive not to suffer the executions under these decisions to transcend the great purpose for which punishment is necessary.The full benefit of example being secured, policy as well as humanity equally forbids that they should be carried further.I have acted on this principle, pardoning those who appear to have been led astray by ignorance of the criminality of the acts they had committed, and suffering the law to take effect on those only in whose favor no extenuating circumstances could be urged.Great confidence is entertained that the late treaty with Spain, which has been ratified by both the parties, and the ratifications whereof have been exchanged, has placed the relations of the two countries on a basis of permanent friendship.The provision made by it for such of our citizens as have claims on Spain of the character described will, it is presumed, be very satisfactory to them, and the boundary which is established between the territories of the parties westward of the Mississippi, heretofore in dispute, has, it is thought, been settled on conditions just and advantageous to both.But to the acquisition of Florida too much importance can not be attached.It secures to the United States a territory important in itself, and whose importance is much increased by its bearing on many of the highest interests of the Union.It opens to several of the neighboring States a free passage to the ocean, through the Province ceded, by several rivers, having their sources high up within their limits.It secures us against all future annoyance from powerful Indian tribes.It gives us several excellent harbors in the Gulf of Mexico for ships of war of the largest size.It covers by its position in the Gulf the Mississippi and other great waters within our extended limits, and thereby enables the United States to afford complete protection to the vast and very valuable productions of our whole Western country, which find a market through those streams.By a treaty with the British Government, bearing date on the 20th of October, 1818, the convention regulating the commerce between the United States and Great Britain, concluded on the 3d of July, 1815, which was about expiring, was revived and continued for the term of ten years from the time of its expiration.By that treaty, also, the differences which had arisen under the treaty of Ghent respecting the right claimed by the United States for their citizens to take and cure fish on the coast of His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, with other differences on important interests, were adjusted to the satisfaction of both parties.No agreement has yet been entered into respecting the commerce between the United States and the British dominions in the West Indies and on this continent.The restraints imposed on that commerce by Great Britain, and reciprocated by the United States on a principle of defense, continue still in force.The negotiation with France for the regulation of the commercial relations between the two countries, which in the course of the last summer had been commenced at Paris, has since been transferred to this city, and will be pursued on the part of the United States in the spirit of conciliation, and with an earnest desire that it may terminate in an arrangement satisfactory to both parties.Our relations with the Barbary Powers are preserved in the same state and by the same means that were employed when I came into this office.As early as 1801 it was found necessary to send a squadron into the Mediterranean for the protection of our commerce and no period has intervened, a short term excepted, when it was thought advisable to withdraw it.The great interests which the United States have in the Pacific, in commerce and in the fisheries, have also made it necessary to maintain a naval force there In disposing of this force in both instances the most effectual measures in our power have been taken, without interfering with its other duties, for the suppression of the slave trade and of piracy in the neighboring seas.The situation of the United States in regard to their resources, the extent of their revenue, and the facility with which it is raised affords a most gratifying spectacle.The payment of nearly $67,000,000 of the public debt, with the great progress made in measures of defense and in other improvements of various kinds since the late war, are conclusive proofs of this extraordinary prosperity, especially when it is recollected that these expenditures have been defrayed without a burthen on the people, the direct tax and excise having been repealed soon after the conclusion of the late war, and the revenue applied to these great objects having been raised in a manner not to be felt.Our great resources therefore remain untouched for any purpose which may affect the vital interests of the nation.For all such purposes they are inexhaustible.They are more especially to be found in the virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of our fellow-citizens, and in the devotion with which they would yield up by any just measure of taxation all their property in support of the rights and honor of their country.Under the present depression of prices, affecting all the productions of the country and every branch of industry, proceeding from causes explained on a former occasion, the revenue has considerably diminished, the effect of which has been to compel Congress either to abandon these great measures of defense or to resort to loans or internal taxes to supply the deficiency.On the
presumption that this depression and the deficiency in the revenue arising from it would be temporary, loans were authorized for the demands of the last and present year.Anxious to relieve my fellow-citizens in 1817 from every burthen which could be dispensed with and the state of the Treasury permitting it, I recommended the repeal of the internal taxes, knowing that such relief was then peculiarly necessary in consequence of the great exertions made in the late war.I made that recommendation under a pledge that should the public exigencies require a recurrence to them at any time while I remained in this trust, I would with equal promptitude perform the duty which would then be alike incumbent on me.By the experiment now making it will be seen by the next session of Congress whether the revenue shall have been so augmented as to be adequate to all these necessary purposes.Should the deficiency still continue, and especially should it be probable that it would be permanent, the course to be pursued appears to me to be obvious.I am satisfied that under certain circumstances loans may be resorted to with great advantage.I am equally well satisfied, as a general rule, that the demands of the current year, especially in time of peace, should be provided for by the revenue of that year.I have never dreaded, nor have I ever shunned, in any situation in which I have been placed making appeals to the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens, well knowing that they could never be made in vain, especially in times of great emergency or for purposes of high national importance.Independently of the exigency of the case, many considerations of great weight urge a policy having in view a provision of revenue to meet to a certain extent the demands of the nation, without relying altogether on the precarious resource of foreign commerce.I am satisfied that internal duties and excises, with corresponding imposts on foreign articles of the same kind, would, without imposing any serious burdens on the people, enhance the price of produce, promote our manufactures, and augment the revenue, at the same time that they made it more secure and permanent.The care of the Indian tribes within our limits has long been an essential part of our system, but, unfortunately, it has not been executed in a manner to accomplish all the objects intended by it.We have treated them as independent nations, without their having any substantial pretensions to that rank.The distinction has flattered their pride, retarded their improvement, and in many instances paved the way to their destruction.The progress of our settlements westward, supported as they are by a dense population, has constantly driven them back, with almost the total sacrifice of the lands which they have been compelled to abandon.They have claims on the magnanimity and, I may add, on the justice of this nation which we must all feel.We should become their real benefactors;we should perform the office of their Great Father, the endearing title which they emphatically give to the Chief Magistrate of our Union.Their sovereignty over vast territories should cease, in lieu of which the right of soil should be secured to each individual and his posterity in competent portions;and for the territory thus ceded by each tribe some reasonable equivalent should be granted, to be vested in permanent funds for the support of civil government over them and for the education of their children, for their instruction in the arts of husbandry, and to provide sustenance for them until they could provide it for themselves.My earnest hope is that Congress will digest some plan, founded on these principles, with such improvements as their wisdom may suggest, and carry it into effect as soon as it may be practicable.Europe is again unsettled and the prospect of war increasing.Should the flame light up in any quarter, how far it may extend it is impossible to foresee.It is our peculiar felicity to be altogether unconnected with the causes which produce this menacing aspect elsewhere.With every power we are in perfect amity, and it is our interest to remain so if it be practicable on just conditions.I see no reasonable cause to apprehend variance with any power, unless it proceed from a violation of our maritime rights.In these contests, should they occur, and to whatever extent they may be carried, we shall be neutral;but as a neutral power we have rights which it is our duty to maintain.For like injuries it will be incumbent on us to seek redress in a spirit of amity, in full confidence that, injuring none, none would knowingly injure us.For more imminent dangers we should be prepared, and it should always be recollected that such preparation adapted to the circumstances and sanctioned by the judgment and wishes of our constituents can not fail to have a good effect in averting dangers of every kind.We should recollect also that the season of peace is best adapted to these preparations.If we turn our attention, fellow-citizens, more immediately to the internal concerns of our country, and more especially to those on which its future welfare depends, we have every reason to anticipate the happiest results.It is now rather more than forty-four years since we declared our independence, and thirty-seven since it was acknowledged.The talents and virtues which were displayed in that great struggle were a sure presage of all that has since followed.A people who were able to surmount in their infant state such great perils would be more competent as they rose into manhood to repel any which they might meet in their progress.Their physical strength would be more adequate to foreign danger, and the practice of self-government, aided by the light of experience, could not fail to produce an effect equally salutary on all those questions connected with the internal organization.These favorable anticipations have been realized.In our whole system, national and State, we have shunned all the defects which unceasingly preyed on the vitals and destroyed the ancient Republics.In them there were distinct orders, a nobility and a people, or the people governed in one assembly.Thus, in the one instance there was a perpetual conflict between the orders in society for the ascendency, in which the victory of either terminated in the overthrow of the government and the ruin of the state;in the other, in which the people governed in a body, and whose dominions seldom exceeded the dimensions of a county in one of our States, a tumultuous and disorderly movement permitted only a transitory existence.In this great nation there is but one order, that of the people, whose power, by a peculiarly happy improvement of the representative principle, is transferred from them, without impairing in the slightest degree their sovereignty, to bodies of their own creation, and to persons elected by themselves, in the full extent necessary for all the purposes of free, enlightened and efficient government.The whole system is elective, the complete sovereignty being in the people, and every officer in every department deriving his authority from and being responsible to them for his conduct.Our career has corresponded with this great outline.Perfection in our organization could not have been expected in the outset either in the National or State Governments or in tracing the line between their respective powers.But no serious conflict has arisen, nor any contest but such as are managed by argument and by a fair appeal to the good sense of the people, and many of the
defects which experience had clearly demonstrated in both Governments have been remedied.By steadily pursuing this course in this spirit there is every reason to believe that our system will soon attain the highest degree of perfection of which human institutions are capable, and that the movement in all its branches will exhibit such a degree of order and harmony as to command the admiration and respect of the civilized world.Our physical attainments have not been less eminent.Twenty-five years ago the river Mississippi was shut up and our Western brethren had no outlet for their commerce.What has been the progress since that time? The river has not only become the property of the United States from its source to the ocean, with all its tributary streams(with the exception of the upper part of the Red River only), but Louisiana, with a fair and liberal boundary on the western side and the Floridas on the eastern, have been ceded to us.The United States now enjoy the complete and uninterrupted sovereignty over the whole territory from St.Croix to the Sabine.New States, settled from among ourselves in this and in other parts, have been admitted into our Union in equal participation in the national sovereignty with the original States.Our population has augmented in an astonishing degree and extended in every direction.We now, fellow-citizens, comprise within our limits the dimensions and faculties of a great power under a Government possessing all the energies of any government ever known to the Old World, with an utter incapacity to oppress the people.Entering with these views the office which I have just solemnly sworn to execute with fidelity and to the utmost of my ability, I derive great satisfaction from a knowledge that I shall be assisted in the several Departments by the very enlightened and upright citizens from whom I have received so much aid in the preceding term.With full confidence in the continuance of that candor and generous indulgence from my fellow-citizens at large which I have heretofore experienced, and with a firm reliance on the protection of Almighty God, I shall forthwith commence the duties of the high trust to which you have called me.Inaugural Address of John Quincy Adams
FRIDAY, MARCH 4, 1825
In compliance with an usage coeval with the existence of our Federal Constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your presence and in that of Heaven to bind myself by the solemnities of religious obligation to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me in the station to which I have been called.In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed in the fulfillment of those duties my first resort will be to that Constitution which I shall swear to the best of my ability
to preserve, protect, and defend.That revered instrument enumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of the Executive Magistrate, and in its first words declares the purposes to which these and the whole action of the Government instituted by it should be invariably and sacredly devoted--to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union in their successive generations.Since the adoption of this social compact one of these generations has passed away.It is the work of our forefathers.Administered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war incidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation.It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all;it has to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity secured the freedom and happiness of this people.We now receive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left us and by the blessings which we have enjoyed as the fruits of their labors to transmit the same unimpaired to the succeeding generation.In the compass of thirty-six years since this great national covenant was instituted a body of laws enacted under its authority and in conformity with its provisions has unfolded its powers and carried into practical operation its effective energies.Subordinate departments have distributed the executive functions in their various relations to foreign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military force of the Union by land and sea.A coordinate department of the judiciary has expounded the Constitution and the laws, settling in harmonious coincidence with the legislative will numerous weighty questions of construction which the imperfection of human language had rendered unavoidable.The year of jubilee since the first formation of our Union has just elapsed that of the declaration of our independence is at hand.The consummation of both was effected by this Constitution.Since that period a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve.A territory bounded by the Mississippi has been extended from sea to sea.New States have been admitted to the Union in numbers nearly equal to those of the first Confederation.Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth.The people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired not by conquest, but by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings.The forest has fallen by the ax of our woodsmen;the soil has been made to teem by the tillage of our farmers;our commerce has whitened every ocean.The dominion of man over physical nature has been extended by the invention of our artists.Liberty and law have marched hand in hand.All the purposes of human association have been accomplished as effectively as under any other government on the globe, and at a cost little exceeding in a whole generation the expenditure of other nations in a single year.Such is the unexaggerated picture of our condition under a Constitution founded upon the republican principle of equal rights.To admit that this picture has its shades is but to say that it is still the condition of men upon earth.From evil--physical, moral, and political--it is not our claim
to be exempt.We have suffered sometimes by the visitation of Heaven through disease;often by the wrongs and injustice of other nations, even to the extremities of war;and, lastly, by dissensions among ourselves--dissensions perhaps inseparable from the enjoyment of freedom, but which have more than once appeared to threaten the dissolution of the Union, and with it the overthrow of all the enjoyments of our present lot and all our earthly hopes of the future.The causes of these dissensions have been various, founded upon differences of speculation in the theory of republican government;upon conflicting views of policy in our relations with foreign nations;upon jealousies of partial and sectional interests, aggravated by prejudices and prepossessions which strangers to each other are ever apt to entertain.It is a source of gratification and of encouragement to me to observe that the great result of this experiment upon the theory of human rights has at the close of that generation by which it was formed been crowned with success equal to the most sanguine expectations of its founders.Union, justice, tranquillity, the common defense, the general welfare, and the blessings of liberty--all have been promoted by the Government under which we have lived.Standing at this point of time, looking back to that generation which has gone by and forward to that which is advancing, we may at once indulge in grateful exultation and in cheering hope.From the experience of the past we derive instructive lessons for the future.Of the two great political parties which have divided the opinions and feelings of our country, the candid and the just will now admit that both have contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent patriotism, and disinterested sacrifices to the formation and administration of this Government, and that both have required a liberal indulgence for a portion of human infirmity and error.The revolutionary wars of Europe, commencing precisely at the moment when the Government of the United States first went into operation under this Constitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of sympathies which kindled all the passions and imbittered the conflict of parties till the nation was involved in war and the Union was shaken to its center.This time of trial embraced a period of five and twenty years, during which the policy of the Union in its relations with Europe constituted the principal basis of our political divisions and the most arduous part of the action of our Federal Government.With the catastrophe in which the wars of the French Revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife was uprooted.From that time no difference of principle, connected either with the theory of government or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existed or been called forth in force sufficient to sustain a continued combination of parties or to give more than wholesome animation to public sentiment or legislative debate.Our political creed is, without a dissenting voice that can be heard, that the will of the people is the source and the happiness of the people the end of all legitimate government upon earth;that the best security for the beneficence and the best guaranty against the abuse of power consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections;that the General Government of the Union and the separate governments of the States are all sovereignties of limited powers, fellow-servants of the same masters, uncontrolled within their respective spheres, uncontrollable by encroachments upon each other;that the firmest security of peace is the preparation during peace of the defenses of war;that a rigorous economy and accountability of public expenditures should guard against the aggravation and alleviate when possible the burden of taxation;that the military should be kept in strict subordination to the civil power;that the freedom of the press and of religious opinion should be inviolate;that the policy of our country is peace and the ark of our
salvation union are articles of faith upon which we are all now agreed.If there have been those who doubted whether a confederated representative democracy were a government competent to the wise and orderly management of the common concerns of a mighty nation, those doubts have been dispelled;if there have been projects of partial confederacies to be erected upon the ruins of the Union, they have been scattered to the winds;if there have been dangerous attachments to one foreign nation and antipathies against another, they have been extinguished.Ten years of peace, at home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities of political contention and blended into harmony the most discordant elements of public opinion There still remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals throughout the nation who have heretofore followed the standards of political party.It is that of discarding every remnant of rancor against each other, of embracing as countrymen and friends, and of yielding to talents and virtue alone that confidence which in times of contention for principle was bestowed only upon those who bore the badge of party communion.The collisions of party spirit which originate in speculative opinions or in different views of administrative policy are in their nature transitory.Those which are founded on geographical divisions, adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life are more permanent, and therefore, perhaps, more dangerous.It is this which gives inestimable value to the character of our Government, at once federal and national.It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to preserve alike and with equal anxiety the rights of each individual State in its own government and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union.Whatsoever is of domestic concernment, unconnected with the other members of the Union or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the State governments.Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternity or of foreign powers is of the resort of this General Government.The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail.To respect the rights of the State governments is the inviolable duty of that of the Union;the government of every State will feel its own obligation to respect and preserve the rights of the whole.The prejudices everywhere too commonly entertained against distant strangers are worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests are allayed by the composition and functions of the great national councils annually assembled from all quarters of the Union at this place.Here the distinguished men from every section of our country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests of those by whom they are deputed, learn to estimate the talents and do justice to the virtues of each other.The harmony of the nation is promoted and the whole Union is knit together by the sentiments of mutual respect, the habits of social intercourse, and the ties of personal friendship formed between the representatives of its several parts in the performance of their service at this metropolis.Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of the Federal Constitution and their results as indicating the first traces of the path of duty in the discharge of my public trust, I turn to the Administration of my immediate predecessor as the second.It has passed away in a period of profound peace, how much to the satisfaction of our country and to the honor of our country's name is known to you all.The great features of its policy, in general concurrence with the will of the Legislature, have been to cherish peace while preparing for defensive war;to yield exact justice to other nations and maintain the rights of our own;to cherish the principles of
freedom and of equal rights wherever they were proclaimed;to discharge with all possible promptitude the national debt;to reduce within the narrowest limits of efficiency the military force;to improve the organization and discipline of the Army;to provide and sustain a school of military science;to extend equal protection to all the great interests of the nation;to promote the civilization of the Indian tribes, and to proceed in the great system of internal improvements within the limits of the constitutional power of the Union.Under the pledge of these promises, made by that eminent citizen at the time of his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years the internal taxes have been repealed;sixty millions of the public debt have been discharged;provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the Revolution;the regular armed force has been reduced and its constitution revised and perfected;the accountability for the expenditure of public moneys has been made more effective;the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific Ocean;the independence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognized, and recommended by example and by counsel to the potentates of Europe;progress has been made in the defense of the country by fortifications and the increase of the Navy, toward the effectual suppression of the African traffic in slaves;in alluring the aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind, in exploring the interior regions of the Union, and in preparing by scientific researches and surveys for the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country.In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate predecessor the line of duty for his successor is clearly delineated To pursue to their consummation those purposes of improvement in our common condition instituted or recommended by him will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations.To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction.It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity who are in future ages to people this continent will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union;that in which the beneficent action of its Government will be most deeply felt and acknowledged.The magnificence and splendor of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics.The roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have survived thousands of years after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism or become the spoil of barbarians.Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature.The most respectful deference is due to doubts originating in pure patriotism and sustained by venerated authority.But nearly twenty years have passed since the construction of the first national road was commenced.The authority for its construction was then unquestioned.To how many thousands of our countrymen has it proved a benefit? To what single individual has it ever proved an injury? Repeated, liberal, and candid discussions in the Legislature have conciliated the sentiments and approximated the opinions of enlightened minds upon the question of constitutional power.I can not but hope that by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deliberation all constitutional objections will ultimately be removed.The extent and limitation of the powers of the General Government in relation to this transcendently important interest will be settled and acknowledged to the common satisfaction of all, and every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing.Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportunity of addressing you at this time.You have heard the exposition of the principles which will direct me in the fulfillment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station.Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand more and oftener in need of your indulgence.Intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of all the faculties allotted to me to her service are all the pledges that I can give for the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake.To the guidance of the legislative councils, to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments, to the friendly cooperation of the respective State governments, to the candid and liberal support of the people so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shall look for whatever success may attend my public service;and knowing that “except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain,” with fervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling providence I commit with humble but fearless confidence my own fate and the future destinies of my country.Inaugural Address of Andrew Jackson
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 4, 1829
Fellow-Citizens:
About to undertake the arduous duties that I have been appointed to perform by the choice of a free people, I avail myself of this customary and solemn occasion to express the gratitude which their confidence inspires and to acknowledge the accountability which my situation enjoins.While the magnitude of their interests convinces me that no thanks can be adequate to the honor they have conferred, it admonishes me that the best return I can make is the zealous dedication of my humble abilities to their service and their good.As the instrument of the Federal Constitution it will devolve on me for a stated period to execute the laws of the United States, to superintend their foreign and their confederate relations, to manage their revenue, to command their forces, and, by communications to the Legislature, to watch over and to promote their interests generally.And the principles of action by which I shall endeavor to accomplish this circle of duties it is now proper for me briefly to explain.In administering the laws of Congress I shall keep steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of the Executive power trusting thereby to discharge the functions of my office without transcending its authority.With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peace and to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable terms, and in the adjustment of any differences that may exist or arise to exhibit the forbearance becoming a powerful nation rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.In such measures as I may be called on to pursue in regard to the rights of the separate States I hope to be animated by a proper respect for those sovereign members of our Union, taking care
not to confound the powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to the Confederacy.The management of the public revenue--that searching operation in all governments--is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours, and it will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude.Under every aspect in which it can be considered it would appear that advantage must result from the observance of a strict and faithful economy.This I shall aim at the more anxiously both because it will facilitate the extinguishment of the national debt, the unnecessary duration of which is incompatible with real independence, and because it will counteract that tendency to public and private profligacy which a profuse expenditure of money by the Government is but too apt to engender.Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable end are to be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of Congress for the specific appropriation of public money and the prompt accountability of public officers.With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of impost with a view to revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution and compromise in which the Constitution was formed requires that the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures should be equally favored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement of any products of either of them that may be found essential to our national independence.Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they can be promoted by the constitutional acts of the Federal Government, are of high importance.Considering standing armies as dangerous to free governments in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor disregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teaches that the military should be held subordinate to the civil power.The gradual increase of our Navy, whose flag has displayed in distant climes our skill in navigation and our fame in arms;the preservation of our forts, arsenals, and dockyards, and the introduction of progressive improvements in the discipline and science of both branches of our military service are so plainly prescribed by prudence that I should be excused for omitting their mention sooner than for enlarging on their importance.But the bulwark of our defense is the national militia, which in the present state of our intelligence and population must render us invincible.As long as our Government is administered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their will;as long as it secures to us the rights of person and of property, liberty of conscience and of the press, it will be worth defending;and so long as it is worth defending a patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable aegis.Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we may be subjected to, but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the means of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe.To any just system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural safeguard of the country I shall cheerfully lend all the aid in my power.It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe toward the Indian tribes within our limits a just and liberal policy, and to give that humane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants which is consistent with the habits of our Government and the feelings of our people.The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of Executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform, which will require particularly the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the Federal Government into conflict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment and have placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands.In the performance of a task thus generally delineated I shall endeavor to select men whose diligence and talents will insure in their respective stations able and faithful cooperation, depending for the advancement of the public service more on the integrity and zeal of the public officers than on their numbers.A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications will teach me to look with reverence to the examples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system.The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the Government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally.And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of His divine care and gracious benediction.Second Inaugural Address of Andrew Jackson
MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1833 Fellow-Citizens:
The will of the American people, expressed through their unsolicited suffrages, calls me before you to pass through the solemnities preparatory to taking upon myself the duties of President of the United States for another term.For their approbation of my public conduct through a period which has not been without its difficulties, and for this renewed expression of their confidence in my good intentions, I am at a loss for terms adequate to the expression of my gratitude.It shall be displayed to the extent of my humble abilities in continued efforts so to administer the Government as to preserve their liberty and promote their happiness.So many events have occurred within the last four years which have necessarily called forth--sometimes under circumstances the most delicate and painful--my views of the principles and policy which ought to be pursued by the General Government that I need on this occasion but allude to a few leading considerations connected with some of them.The foreign policy adopted by our Government soon after the formation of our present Constitution, and very generally pursued by successive Administrations, has been crowned with almost complete success, and has elevated our character among the nations of the earth.To do justice to all and to submit to wrong from none has been during my Administration its governing maxim, and so happy have been its results that we are not only at peace with all the world, but have few causes of controversy, and those of minor importance, remaining unadjusted.In the domestic policy of this Government there are two objects which especially deserve the attention of the people and their representatives, and which have been and will continue to be the subjects of my increasing solicitude.They are the preservation of the rights of the several States and the integrity of the Union.These great objects are necessarily connected, and can only be attained by an enlightened exercise of the powers of each within its appropriate sphere in conformity with the public will constitutionally expressed.To this end it becomes the duty of all to yield a ready and patriotic submission to the laws constitutionally enacted and thereby promote and strengthen a proper confidence in those institutions of the several States and of the United States which the people themselves have ordained for their own government.My experience in public concerns and the observation of a life somewhat advanced confirm the opinions long since imbibed by me, that the destruction of our State governments or the annihilation of their control over the local concerns of the people would lead directly to revolution and anarchy, and finally to despotism and military domination.In proportion, therefore, as the General Government encroaches upon the rights of the States, in the same proportion does it impair its own power and detract from its ability to fulfill the purposes of its creation.Solemnly impressed with these considerations, my countrymen will ever find me ready to exercise my constitutional powers in arresting measures which may directly or indirectly encroach upon the rights of the States or tend to consolidate all political power in the General Government.But of equal and, indeed of incalculable, importance is the union of these States, and the sacred duty of all to contribute to its preservation by a liberal support of the General Government in the exercise of its just powers.You have been wisely admonished to “accustom yourselves to think and speak of the Union as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with Jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” Without union our independence and liberty would never have been achieved;without union they never can be maintained.Divided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number, of separate communities, we shall see our internal trade burdened with numberless restraints and exactions;communication between distant points and sections obstructed or cut off;our sons made soldiers to deluge with blood the fields they now till in peace;the mass of our people borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies and navies, and military leaders at the head of their victorious legions becoming our lawgivers and judges.The loss of liberty, of all good government, of peace, plenty, and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of the Union.In supporting it, therefore, we support all that is dear to the freeman and the philanthropist.The time at which I stand before you is full of interest.The eyes of all nations are fixed on our Republic.The event of the existing crisis will be decisive in the opinion of mankind of the practicability of our federal system of government.Great is the stake placed in our hands;great is the responsibility which must rest upon the people of the United States.Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which we stand before the world.Let us exercise forbearance and firmness.Let us extricate our country from the dangers which surround it and learn wisdom from the lessons they inculcate.Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations, and under the obligation of that solemn oath which I am about to take, I shall continue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of the Constitution and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of our Federal Union.At the same time, it will be my aim to inculcate by my official acts the necessity of exercising by the General Government those powers only that are clearly delegated;to encourage simplicity and economy in the expenditures of the Government;to raise no more money from the people than may be requisite for these objects, and in a manner that will best promote the interests of all classes of the community and of all portions of the Union.Constantly bearing in mind that in entering into society “individuals must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest,” it will be my desire so to discharge my duties as to foster with our brethren in all parts of the country a spirit of liberal concession and compromise, and, by reconciling our fellow-citizens to those partial sacrifices which they must unavoidably make for the preservation of a greater good, to recommend our invaluable Government and Union to the confidence and affections of the American people.Finally, it is my most fervent prayer to that Almighty Being before whom I now stand, and who has kept us in His hands from the infancy of our Republic to the present day, that He will so overrule all my intentions and actions and inspire the hearts of my fellow-citizens that we may be preserved from dangers of all kinds and continue forever a united and happy people.Inaugural Address of Martin Van Buren
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1837
Fellow-Citizens:
The practice of all my predecessors imposes on me an obligation I cheerfully fulfill--to accompany the first and solemn act of my public trust with an avowal of the principles that will guide me in performing it and an expression of my feelings on assuming a charge so responsible and vast.In imitating their example I tread in the footsteps of illustrious men, whose superiors it is our happiness to believe are not found on the executive calendar of any country.Among them we recognize the earliest and firmest pillars of the Republic--those by whom our national independence was first declared, him who above all others contributed to establish it on the field of battle, and those whose expanded intellect and patriotism constructed, improved, and perfected
the inestimable institutions under which we live.If such men in the position I now occupy felt themselves overwhelmed by a sense of gratitude for this the highest of all marks of their country's confidence, and by a consciousness of their inability adequately to discharge the duties of an office so difficult and exalted, how much more must these considerations affect one who can rely on no such claims for favor or forbearance!Unlike all who have preceded me, the Revolution that gave us existence as one people was achieved at the period of my birth;and whilst I contemplate with grateful reverence that memorable event, I feel that I belong to a later age and that I may not expect my countrymen to weigh my actions with the same kind and partial hand.So sensibly, fellow-citizens, do these circumstances press themselves upon me that I should not dare to enter upon my path of duty did I not look for the generous aid of those who will be associated with me in the various and coordinate branches of the Government;did I not repose with unwavering reliance on the patriotism, the intelligence, and the kindness of a people who never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring their cause;and, above all, did I not permit myself humbly to hope for the sustaining support of an ever-watchful and beneficent Providence.To the confidence and consolation derived from these sources it would be ungrateful not to add those which spring from our present fortunate condition.Though not altogether exempt from embarrassments that disturb our tranquillity at home and threaten it abroad, yet in all the attributes of a great, happy, and flourishing people we stand without a parallel in the world.Abroad we enjoy the respect and, with scarcely an exception, the friendship of every nation;at home, while our Government quietly but efficiently performs the sole legitimate end of political institutions--in doing the greatest good to the greatest number--we present an aggregate of human prosperity surely not elsewhere to be found.How imperious, then, is the obligation imposed upon every citizen, in his own sphere of action, whether limited or extended, to exert himself in perpetuating a condition of things so singularly happy!All the lessons of history and experience must be lost upon us if we are content to trust alone to the peculiar advantages we happen to possess.Position and climate and the bounteous resources that nature has scattered with so liberal a hand--even the diffused intelligence and elevated character of our people--will avail us nothing if we fail sacredly to uphold those political institutions that were wisely and deliberately formed with reference to every circumstance that could preserve or might endanger the blessings we enjoy.The thoughtful framers of our Constitution legislated for our country as they found it.Looking upon it with the eyes of statesmen and patriots, they saw all the sources of rapid and wonderful prosperity;but they saw also that various habits, opinions and institutions peculiar to the various portions of so vast a region were deeply fixed.Distinct sovereignties were in actual existence, whose cordial union was essential to the welfare and happiness of all.Between many of them there was, at least to some extent, a real diversity of interests, liable to be exaggerated through sinister designs;they differed in size, in population, in wealth, and in actual and prospective resources and power;they varied in the character of their industry and staple productions, and [in some] existed domestic institutions which, unwisely disturbed, might endanger the harmony of the whole.Most carefully were all these circumstances weighed, and the foundations of the new Government laid upon principles of reciprocal concession and equitable compromise.The jealousies which the smaller States might
entertain of the power of the rest were allayed by a rule of representation confessedly unequal at the time, and designed forever to remain so.A natural fear that the broad scope of general legislation might bear upon and unwisely control particular interests was counteracted by limits strictly drawn around the action of the Federal authority, and to the people and the States was left unimpaired their sovereign power over the innumerable subjects embraced in the internal government of a just republic, excepting such only as necessarily appertain to the concerns of the whole confederacy or its intercourse as a united community with the other nations of the world.This provident forecast has been verified by time.Half a century, teeming with extraordinary events, and elsewhere producing astonishing results, has passed along, but on our institutions it has left no injurious mark.From a small community we have risen to a people powerful in numbers and in strength;but with our increase has gone hand in hand the progress of just principles.The privileges, civil and religious, of the humblest individual are still sacredly protected at home, and while the valor and fortitude of our people have removed far from us the slightest apprehension of foreign power, they have not yet induced us in a single instance to forget what is right.Our commerce has been extended to the remotest nations;the value and even nature of our productions have been greatly changed;a wide difference has arisen in the relative wealth and resources of every portion of our country;yet the spirit of mutual regard and of faithful adherence to existing compacts has continued to prevail in our councils and never long been absent from our conduct.We have learned by experience a fruitful lesson--that an implicit and undeviating adherence to the principles on which we set out can carry us prosperously onward through all the conflicts of circumstances and vicissitudes inseparable from the lapse of years.The success that has thus attended our great experiment is in itself a sufficient cause for gratitude, on account of the happiness it has actually conferred and the example it has unanswerably given But to me, my fellow-citizens, looking forward to the far-distant future with ardent prayers and confiding hopes, this retrospect presents a ground for still deeper delight.It impresses on my mind a firm belief that the perpetuity of our institutions depends upon ourselves;that if we maintain the principles on which they were established they are destined to confer their benefits on countless generations yet to come, and that America will present to every friend of mankind the cheering proof that a popular government, wisely formed, is wanting in no element of endurance or strength.Fifty years ago its rapid failure was boldly predicted.Latent and uncontrollable causes of dissolution were supposed to exist even by the wise and good, and not only did unfriendly or speculative theorists anticipate for us the fate of past republics, but the fears of many an honest patriot overbalanced his sanguine hopes.Look back on these forebodings, not hastily but reluctantly made, and see how in every instance they have completely failed.An imperfect experience during the struggles of the Revolution was supposed to warrant the belief that the people would not bear the taxation requisite to discharge an immense public debt already incurred and to pay the necessary expenses of the Government The cost of two wars has been paid, not only without a murmur;but with unequaled alacrity.No one is now left to doubt that every burden will be cheerfully borne that may be necessary to sustain our civil institutions or guard our honor or welfare.Indeed, all experience has shown that the willingness of the people to contribute to these ends in cases of emergency has uniformly outrun the confidence of their representatives.In the early stages of the new Government, when all felt the imposing influence as they recognized the unequaled services of the first President, it was a common sentiment that the great weight of his character could alone bind the discordant materials of our Government together and save us from the violence of contending factions.Since his death nearly forty years are gone.Party exasperation has been often carried to its highest point;the virtue and fortitude of the people have sometimes been greatly tried;yet our system, purified and enhanced in value by all it has encountered, still preserves its spirit of free and fearless discussion, blended with unimpaired fraternal feeling.The capacity of the people for self-government, and their willingness, from a high sense of duty and without those exhibitions of coercive power so generally employed in other countries, to submit to all needful restraints and exactions of municipal law, have also been favorably exemplified in the history of the American States.Occasionally, it is true, the ardor of public sentiment, outrunning the regular progress of the judicial tribunals or seeking to reach cases not denounced as criminal by the existing law, has displayed itself in a manner calculated to give pain to the friends of free government and to encourage the hopes of those who wish for its overthrow.These occurrences, however, have been far less frequent in our country than in any other of equal population on the globe, and with the diffusion of intelligence it may well be hoped that they will constantly diminish in frequency and violence.The generous patriotism and sound common sense of the great mass of our fellow-citizens will assuredly in time produce this result;for as every assumption of illegal power not only wounds the majesty of the law, but furnishes a pretext for abridging the liberties of the people, the latter have the most direct and permanent interest in preserving the landmarks of social order and maintaining on all occasions the inviolability of those constitutional and legal provisions which they themselves have made.In a supposed unfitness of our institutions for those hostile emergencies which no country can always avoid their friends found a fruitful source of apprehension, their enemies of hope.While they foresaw less promptness of action than in governments differently formed, they overlooked the far more important consideration that with us war could never be the result of individual or irresponsible will, but must be a measure of redress for injuries sustained voluntarily resorted to by those who were to bear the necessary sacrifice, who would consequently feel an individual interest in the contest, and whose energy would be commensurate with the difficulties to be encountered.Actual events have proved their error;the last war, far from impairing, gave new confidence to our Government, and amid recent apprehensions of a similar conflict we saw that the energies of our country would not be wanting in ample season to vindicate its rights.We may not possess, as we should not desire to possess, the extended and ever-ready military organization of other nations;we may occasionally suffer in the outset for the want of it;but among ourselves all doubt upon this great point has ceased, while a salutary experience will prevent a contrary opinion from inviting aggression from abroad.Certain danger was foretold from the extension of our territory, the multiplication of States, and the increase of population.Our system was supposed to be adapted only to boundaries comparatively narrow.These have been widened beyond conjecture;the members of our
Confederacy are already doubled, and the numbers of our people are incredibly augmented.The alleged causes of danger have long surpassed anticipation, but none of the consequences have followed.The power and influence of the Republic have arisen to a height obvious to all mankind;respect for its authority was not more apparent at its ancient than it is at its present limits;new and inexhaustible sources of general prosperity have been opened;the effects of distance have been averted by the inventive genius of our people, developed and fostered by the spirit of our institutions;and the enlarged variety and amount of interests, productions, and pursuits have strengthened the chain of mutual dependence and formed a circle of mutual benefits too apparent ever to be overlooked.In justly balancing the powers of the Federal and State authorities difficulties nearly insurmountable arose at the outset and subsequent collisions were deemed inevitable.Amid these it was scarcely believed possible that a scheme of government so complex in construction could remain uninjured.From time to time embarrassments have certainly occurred;but how just is the confidence of future safety imparted by the knowledge that each in succession has been happily removed!Overlooking partial and temporary evils as inseparable from the practical operation of all human institutions, and looking only to the general result, every patriot has reason to be satisfied.While the Federal Government has successfully performed its appropriate functions in relation to foreign affairs and concerns evidently national, that of every State has remarkably improved in protecting and developing local interests and individual welfare;and if the vibrations of authority have occasionally tended too much toward one or the other, it is unquestionably certain that the ultimate operation of the entire system has been to strengthen all the existing institutions and to elevate our whole country in prosperity and renown.The last, perhaps the greatest, of the prominent sources of discord and disaster supposed to lurk in our political condition was the institution of domestic slavery.Our forefathers were deeply impressed with the delicacy of this subject, and they treated it with a forbearance so evidently wise that in spite of every sinister foreboding it never until the present period disturbed the tranquillity of our common country.Such a result is sufficient evidence of the justice and the patriotism of their course;it is evidence not to be mistaken that an adherence to it can prevent all embarrassment from this as well as from every other anticipated cause of difficulty or danger.Have not recent events made it obvious to the slightest reflection that the least deviation from this spirit of forbearance is injurious to every interest, that of humanity included? Amidst the violence of excited passions this generous and fraternal feeling has been sometimes disregarded;and standing as I now do before my countrymen, in this high place of honor and of trust, I can not refrain from anxiously invoking my fellow-citizens never to be deaf to its dictates.Perceiving before my election the deep interest this subject was beginning to excite, I believed it a solemn duty fully to make known my sentiments in regard to it, and now, when every motive for misrepresentation has passed away, I trust that they will be candidly weighed and understood.At least they will be my standard of conduct in the path before me.I then declared that if the desire of those of my countrymen who were favorable to my election was gratified “I must go into the Presidential chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of every attempt on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slaveholding States, and also with a determination equally decided to resist the slightest interference with it in
the States where it exists.” I submitted also to my fellow-citizens, with fullness and frankness, the reasons which led me to this determination.The result authorizes me to believe that they have been approved and are confided in by a majority of the people of the United States, including those whom they most immediately affect It now only remains to add that no bill conflicting with these views can ever receive my constitutional sanction.These opinions have been adopted in the firm belief that they are in accordance with the spirit that actuated the venerated fathers of the Republic, and that succeeding experience has proved them to be humane, patriotic, expedient, honorable, and just.If the agitation of this subject was intended to reach the stability of our institutions, enough has occurred to show that it has signally failed, and that in this as in every other instance the apprehensions of the timid and the hopes of the wicked for the destruction of our Government are again destined to be disappointed.Here and there, indeed, scenes of dangerous excitement have occurred, terrifying instances of local violence have been witnessed, and a reckless disregard of the consequences of their conduct has exposed individuals to popular indignation;but neither masses of the people nor sections of the country have been swerved from their devotion to the bond of union and the principles it has made sacred.It will be ever thus.Such attempts at dangerous agitation may periodically return, but with each the object will be better understood.That predominating affection for our political system which prevails throughout our territorial limits, that calm and enlightened judgment which ultimately governs our people as one vast body, will always be at hand to resist and control every effort, foreign or domestic, which aims or would lead to overthrow our institutions.What can be more gratifying than such a retrospect as this? We look back on obstacles avoided and dangers overcome, on expectations more than realized and prosperity perfectly secured.To the hopes of the hostile, the fears of the timid, and the doubts of the anxious actual experience has given the conclusive reply.We have seen time gradually dispel every unfavorable foreboding and our Constitution surmount every adverse circumstance dreaded at the outset as beyond control.Present excitement will at all times magnify present dangers, but true philosophy must teach us that none more threatening than the past can remain to be overcome;and we ought(for we have just reason)to entertain an abiding confidence in the stability of our institutions and an entire conviction that if administered in the true form, character, and spirit in which they were established they are abundantly adequate to preserve to us and our children the rich blessings already derived from them, to make our beloved land for a thousand generations that chosen spot where happiness springs from a perfect equality of political rights.For myself, therefore, I desire to declare that the principle that will govern me in the high duty to which my country calls me is a strict adherence to the letter and spirit of the Constitution as it was designed by those who framed it.Looking back to it as a sacred instrument carefully and not easily framed;remembering that it was throughout a work of concession and compromise;viewing it as limited to national objects;regarding it as leaving to the people and the States all power not explicitly parted with, I shall endeavor to preserve, protect, and defend it by anxiously referring to its provision for direction in every action.To matters of domestic concernment which it has intrusted to the Federal Government and to such as relate to our intercourse with foreign nations I shall zealously devote myself;beyond those limits I shall never pass.To enter on this occasion into a further or more minute exposition of my views on the various questions of domestic policy would be as obtrusive as it is probably unexpected.Before the suffrages of my countrymen were conferred upon me I submitted to them, with great precision, my opinions on all the most prominent of these subjects.Those opinions I shall endeavor to carry out with my utmost ability.Our course of foreign policy has been so uniform and intelligible as to constitute a rule of Executive conduct which leaves little to my discretion, unless, indeed, I were willing to run counter to the lights of experience and the known opinions of my constituents.We sedulously cultivate the friendship of all nations as the conditions most compatible with our welfare and the principles of our Government.We decline alliances as adverse to our peace.We desire commercial relations on equal terms, being ever willing to give a fair equivalent for advantages received.We endeavor to conduct our intercourse with openness and sincerity, promptly avowing our objects and seeking to establish that mutual frankness which is as beneficial in the dealings of nations as of men.We have no disposition and we disclaim all right to meddle in disputes, whether internal or foreign, that may molest other countries, regarding them in their actual state as social communities, and preserving a strict neutrality in all their controversies.Well knowing the tried valor of our people and our exhaustless resources, we neither anticipate nor fear any designed aggression;and in the consciousness of our own just conduct we feel a security that we shall never be called upon to exert our determination never to permit an invasion of our rights without punishment or redress.In approaching, then, in the presence of my assembled countrymen, to make the solemn promise that yet remains, and to pledge myself that I will faithfully execute the office I am about to fill, I bring with me a settled purpose to maintain the institutions of my country, which I trust will atone for the errors I commit.In receiving from the people the sacred trust twice confided to my illustrious predecessor, and which he has discharged so faithfully and so well, I know that I can not expect to perform the arduous task with equal ability and success.But united as I have been in his counsels, a daily witness of his exclusive and unsurpassed devotion to his country's welfare, agreeing with him in sentiments which his countrymen have warmly supported, and permitted to partake largely of his confidence, I may hope that somewhat of the same cheering approbation will be found to attend upon my path.For him I but express with my own the wishes of all, that he may yet long live to enjoy the brilliant evening of his well-spent life;and for myself, conscious of but one desire, faithfully to serve my country, I throw myself without fear on its justice and its kindness.Beyond that I only look to the gracious protection of the Divine Being whose strengthening support I humbly solicit, and whom I fervently pray to look down upon us all.May it be among the dispensations of His providence to bless our beloved country with honors and with length of days.May her ways be ways of pleasantness and all her paths be peace!
Inaugural Address of William Henry Harrison
THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1841
Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for the residue of my life to fill the chief executive office of this great and free nation, I appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oaths which the Constitution prescribes as a necessary qualification for the performance of its duties;and in obedience to a custom coeval with our Government and what I believe to be your expectations I proceed to present to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform.It was the remark of a Roman consul in an early period of that celebrated Republic that a most striking contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for offices of power and trust before and after obtaining them, they seldom carrying out in the latter case the pledges and promises made in the former.However much the world may have improved in many respects in the lapse of upward of two thousand years since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments would develop similar instances of violated confidence.Although the fiat of the people has gone forth proclaiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in relation to my principles and opinions;and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall now deliver, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are now uttered.But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears.The outline of principles to govern and measures to be adopted by an Administration not yet begun will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I shall stand either exonerated by my countrymen or classed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive and flattered with the intention to betray.However strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be exposed from the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to commit to my hands not to place my chief confidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power which has hitherto protected me and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other important but still greatly inferior trusts heretofore confided to me by my country.The broad foundation upon which our Constitution rests being the people--a breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify it--it can be assigned to none of the great divisions of government but to that of democracy.If such is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it must recognize as its leading principle the duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number.But with these broad admissions, if we would compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our people with the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely democratic, we
shall find a most essential difference.All others lay claim to power limited only by their own will.The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the parties to the national compact, and nothing beyond.We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so far as power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men;that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from the governed.The Constitution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government.On an examination of that instrument it will be found to contain declarations of power granted and of power withheld.The latter is also susceptible of division into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves.In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual American citizen which in his compact with the others he has never surrendered.Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable.The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would console himself under a sentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faith--which no one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery of all--or the banishment from his home, his family, and his country with or without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen.Far different is the power of our sovereignty.It can interfere with no one's faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one's observance, inflict no punishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution itself.These precious privileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression to his thoughts and opinions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow-man.He claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowed them.Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of the United Stages and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created.It has been found powerful in war, and hitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen.As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language and the necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted or was intended to grant.This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch, and not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause giving that body the authority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also.It is, however, consolatory to reflect that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the Constitution have ultimately received the sanction of a majority of the people.And the fact that many of our statesmen most distinguished for talent and patriotism have been at one time or other of their political career on both sides of each of the most warmly disputed questions forces upon us the inference that the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to the intrinsic difficulty in many instances of ascertaining the intentions of the
framers of the Constitution rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic motive.But the great danger to our institutions does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departments of that which was assigned to others.Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been granted to constitute a despotism if concentrated in one of the departments.This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another than upon their own reserved rights.When the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the Convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the Federal Government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch.There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their ideas of a simple representative democracy or republic, and knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made that at no very remote period the Government would terminate in virtual monarchy.It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized;but as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures and of men's opinions for some years past has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency if it really exists and restore the Government to its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands.I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of and the correctives which may be applied.Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution;others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions.Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency.The sagacious mind of Mr.Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correction.As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution may have been the source and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it if it continues to disfigure our system.It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the lover of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs;and surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust.Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot.When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold it becomes insatiable.It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthens with the declining years of its victim.If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer at least to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal;the servant, not the master.Until an
第五篇：美国总统演讲
1.1 Weekly Address: Making America Safer for Our Children 每周电视讲话：为子孙后代留下一个更安全的美国
WASHINGTON, DC — In this week's address, the Presidentreflected on the progress of the past year, and looked forwardto working on unfinished business in the coming year,particularly when it comes to the epidemic of gun violence.Ashe has many times before, the President reminded us thatCongress has repeatedly failed to take action and pass laws thatwould reduce gun violence.That’s why the President a few months ago tasked his White Houseteam with identifying new actions he can take to help reduce gun violence, and on Monday willmeet with the Attorney General to discuss the options.In his address, the President called oneveryone to join him in the fight to reduce gun violence, because it’s going to take all of us tomake America safer for our children.华盛顿：在本周的讲话中，奥巴马总统回顾了过去一年的成就，并展望了未来一年需要完成的事业，尤其是枪支暴力泛滥的问题。正如他以前多次提到的，总统提醒大家记住，国会再一次在立法减少枪支暴力事件上不作为。因此，几个月前，总统指示白宫的团队制定一些新的措施，帮助减少枪支暴力事件。下周一，总统将会见司法部长，与她讨论具体措施。在奥巴马总统的讲话中，他呼吁所有人都与他一起共同战斗，减少枪支暴力，因为这关系到我们每一个人，我们要给我们的孩子一个更安全的美国。
Happy New Year, everybody.I am fired up for the year that stretches out before us.That’sbecause of what we’ve accomplished together over the past seven.大家新年快乐！我满怀期待的心情迎接我们共同的新年。因为过去七年里我们共同取得了巨大的成就。
Seven years ago, our businesses were losing 800,000 jobs a month.They’ve nowcreated jobs for 69 straight months, driving the unemployment rate from a high of10% down to 5%.七年前，我们的企业一个月就有80万人失业。而今，他们已经连续69个月实现就业增长，将失业率从最高的10%降低到5%。
Seven years ago, too many Americans went without health insurance.We’ve nowcovered more than 17 million people, dropping the rate of the uninsured below 10%for the very first time.七年前，大量的美国人没有医疗保险。而今，我们的保险覆盖了1700多万人，使得未参保率第一次下降到10%以下。
Seven years ago, we were addicted to foreign oil.Now our oil imports have plummeted,our clean energy industry is booming, and America is a global leader in the fight againstclimate change.七年前，我们严重依赖海外石油。而今，我们的石油进口量直线下降，清洁能源产业欣欣向荣，美国已经成为全球抗击气候变化的领导者。Seven years ago, there were only two states in America with marriage equality.Andnow there are 50.七年前，全国只有两个州承认同性婚姻合法，而今50个州都认可了。
All of this progress is because of you.And we’ve got so much more to do.So my New Year’sresolution is to move forward on our unfinished business as much as I can.And I’ll be morefrequently asking for your help.That’s what this American project is all about.所有这些成绩的取得都离不开大家的付出。当然我们还有更多的事情要做。因此，我的新年愿景就是继续奋勇前行，尽我所能完成未竟的事业。我将经常性地寻求大家的帮助。因为这是关系到所有美国人民的事业。
That's especially true for one piece of unfinished business, that’s our epidemic of gun violence.对于这样一件事而言尤为如此，那就是当前枪支暴力泛滥的问题。
Last month, we remembered the third anniversary of Newtown.This Friday, I’ll be thinking aboutmy friend Gabby Giffords, five years into her recovery from the shooting in Tucson.And all acrossAmerica, survivors of gun violence and those who lost a child, a parent, a spouse to gun violenceare forced to mark such awful anniversaries every single day.上个月，我们还举行了新城惨案三周年纪念活动。本周五，我也会去看望嘉碧·吉福兹，她度过了图森惨案后五年时间的漫长恢复期。全美各地的枪支暴力案件的幸存者以及那些在枪支暴力事件中失去孩子、父母、配偶的人们，每一天，都不得不面对这种持续的痛苦。And yet Congress still hasn’t done anything to prevent what happened to them from happening toother families.Three years ago, a bipartisan, commonsense bill would have required backgroundchecks for virtually everyone who buys a gun.Keep in mind, this policy was supported by some90% of the American people.It was supported by a majority of NRA households.But the gunlobby mobilized against it.And the Senate blocked it.而现在国会却依然无动于衷，没有做出任何行动来防止此类事件发生在其他家庭身上。三年前，一份两党联合的基本法案本来要求对几乎所有枪支购买人员进行背景审查的。请大家记住，这份法案当时得到了90%的美国民众的支持，而且也得到了美国步枪协会大部分会员的支持。但是，枪支游说团体强烈反对。最后在参议院未获通过。
Since then, tens of thousands of our fellow Americans have been mowed down by gun violence.Tens of thousands.Each time, we’re told that commonsense reforms like background checksmight not have stopped the last massacre, or the one before that, so we shouldn’t do anything.自那时起，成千上万的美国同胞因枪支暴力惨遭杀害。成千上万的人啊。而每一次事件之后，他们总是会说，背景审查之类的普通改革并不一定能阻止这种屠杀事件的发生，也阻止不了以前的事件发生，因此，我们也不必要做任何事情。
We know that we can’t stop every act of violence.But what if we tried to stop even one? What ifCongress did something – anything – to protect our kids from gun violence? 我们都知道，我们是不能阻止每一起暴力事件。但哪怕我们能成功阻止一件呢？哪怕国会做点什么，保护我们的孩子免受枪支暴力威胁，做什么都行。
A few months ago, I directed my team at the White House to look into any new actions I can taketo help reduce gun violence.And on Monday, I’ll meet with our Attorney General, Loretta Lynch,to discuss our options.Because I get too many letters from parents, and teachers, and kids, to sitaround and do nothing.I get letters from responsible gun owners who grieve with us every timethese tragedies happen;who share my belief that the Second Amendment guarantees a right tobear arms;and who share my belief we can protect that right while keeping an irresponsible,dangerous few from inflicting harm on a massive scale.几个月前，我指示白宫的团队去研究，看看可以采用什么新的策略来降低枪支暴力的威胁。下周一，我将会见司法部长洛丽塔·林奇，与她讨论我们的方案。因为，我收到了大量的来信，有父母写的，老师写的，孩子写的，我不能坐视不管。我还收到一些有责任心的拥有枪支的人们的来信，他们说每次的惨案发生他们都深感悲痛。他们有着与我同样的信念，《第二修正案》确保大家有权拥有武器，但同时他们也坚信，我们可以让不负责任、危险的极少数人不能再继续制造屠杀制造杀害，同时保护大家享有这一权利。epidemic adj.流行的；传染性的/ n.传染病；流行病；风尚等的流行 plummet vi.垂直落下；（价格、水平等）骤然下跌 commonsense adj.常识的；具有常识的
inflict vt.造成；使遭受（损伤、痛苦等）；给予（打击等）
12.25 eekly Address: Merry Christmas from the President and First Lady 每周电视讲话：奥巴马总统携夫人祝大家圣诞节快乐！
WASHINGTON, DC — In this week's address, the President and First Lady wished Americans a Merry Christmas and Happy Holidays.They celebrated the values of the season, and in that spirit of gratitude honored all the brave men and women in uniform fighting to keep us safe, as well as the families that stand by them.The President and First Lady asked that everyone take time this holiday season to visit JoiningForces.gov, and find out how to give back to the troops, veterans, and military families in your community.华盛顿：在本周的讲话中，奥巴马总统携夫人祝美国人民圣诞快乐，假期快乐。他们本着共同庆祝节日传统的精神，向每一位身穿军装，保卫我们安全的男女将士以及在他们身后默默支持他们的家人们致敬。总统和第一夫人请大家抽时间登录JoiningForces.gov，网站上会告诉大家如何帮助我们的军人、退伍老兵以及大家所在社区的军属。
THE PRESIDENT: Merry Christmas, everybody!This is one of our favorite times of the year in the Obama household, filled with family and friends, warmth and good cheer.That’s even true when I spend all night chasing Bo and Sunny away from the cookies we leave for Santa.总统：大家圣诞快乐！在奥巴马家，这是一年里大家最喜欢的日子，家里高朋满座，到处洋溢着温暖和欢声笑语。而且我一晚上都得把波波和撒尼赶到一边，免得它们把留给圣诞老人的饼干吃掉了。
It’s also my favorite weekly address of the year, because I’m joined by a special holiday guest star: Mrs.Obama.这也是我一年里最喜欢的一次每周讲话，因为与我一起的还有一位特别的节日明星：奥巴马夫人。
THE FIRST LADY: Merry Christmas, everyone.Here at the White House, we’ve spent the past month helping everyone get into the holiday spirit.第一夫人：大家圣诞节快乐！在白宫，我们花了一个月的时间为大家准备，让大家感受到今年的节日气氛。
Our theme this year is ―A Timeless Tradition,‖ and the decorations in each room reflect some of our country’s most cherished pastimes – from saluting our troops and their families to helping children dream big dreams for their future.今年，我们的主题是“永远的传统”，每个房间的装饰都反映了我们国家一段最珍贵的传统，有向军人和军属致敬的主题，还有帮助儿童畅想未来的主题。
And we’ve invited thousands of families here to the White House to enjoy the festivities – because there’s no holiday tradition more timeless than opening our doors to others.我们还邀请了几千个家庭来到白宫，共同欢度节日，因为，没有什么传统比敞开家门迎接八方来客这个传统更悠久了。THE PRESIDENT: Today, like millions of Americans and Christians around the world, our family celebrates the birth of Jesus and the values He lived in his own life.Treating one another with love and compassion.Caring for those on society’s margins: the sick and the hungry, the poor and the persecuted, the stranger in need of shelter – or simply an act of kindness.总统：今天，与成千上万的美国人民，以及全世界的基督教徒一样，我们一起庆祝耶稣基督的生日，纪念他用一生实现的人生价值。对待他人充满爱和激情。关心生活在社会边缘的人士：病人和吃不上饭的人，穷人和造虐待的人，需要保护的陌生人，或是一个简单的善举。That’s the spirit that binds us together – not just as Christians, but as Americans of all faiths.It’s what the holidays are about: coming together as one American family to celebrate our blessings and the values we hold dear.这是将我们团结在一起的精神，不仅仅对基督徒如此，这也是各种信仰的美国人民所认可的精神。这正是节日的意义所在：像一个美国大家庭一样团结起来，共同庆祝我们的价值观，彼此祝福。
During this season, we also honor all who defend those values in our country’s uniform.Every day, the brave men and women of our military serve to keep us safe – and so do their families.在这个节日里，我们也向身穿军装，保卫我们的价值观的军人们致敬。每一天，英勇的男女将士以及他们的家人们都在为国服务，保卫我们的安全。
THE FIRST LADY: So as we sing carols and open presents, as we win snowball fights...第一夫人：所以，我们唱圣诞歌，收到礼物，打赢雪仗的时候„ THE PRESIDENT: Or lose snowball fights...总统：或者打输雪仗的时候„
THE FIRST LADY: Let’s also take time to pay tribute to those who have given our country so much.Go to JoiningForces.gov to see how you can serve the troops, veterans, and military families in your community.第一夫人：我们别忘了向所有这些为这个国家付出这么多的人们致敬。你可以登录JoningForces.gov,网站上会告诉你如何为军人、退伍老兵以及你所在社区的军属服务。And together, we can show them just how grateful we are for their sacrifice.That’s a tradition we all can embrace – today and every day.总之，我们可以向他们表达我们对他们付出的牺牲的感激之情。这是我们今天以及未来每一天都会保持下去的传统。
THE PRESIDENT: So on behalf of Malia, Sasha, Bo, Sunny, and everyone here at the White House – Merry Christmas.May God bless our troops and their families.And may God bless you all with peace and joy in the year ahead.总统：因此，我们谨代表玛莉亚、萨莎、波波、撒尼以及在白宫过节的所有人，祝大家圣诞节快乐！愿上帝保佑我们的军人以及他们的家人。愿上帝保佑大家在新的一年里平安吉祥！
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