第一篇：我有一个梦想马丁·路德·金文本资料方位津民权呐喊的最强
我有一个梦想
马丁·路德·金
（一）方位津：民权呐喊的最强音 ——
为近百年世界最具有说服力的演说家之一。《我有一个梦》的演说发表于1963年的示威集会，是美国当代历史上不可或缺的一页，是黑人民权运动史上光辉的篇章。全文感情激昂，文字优美，极富感召力。“我今天怀有一个梦”，“让自由之声响彻山岗”，这些佳句成为激励黑人
《我有一个梦》是一篇尖锐犀利的讨伐檄文，是向充斥美国全社会的种族歧视和肤色偏见的公开宣战。整整40年前，美国早已宣布自己是世界上最强盛的国家，但在国内竟还残留着对黑人民众诸多方面的不公平不公正甚至是迫害的制度。记得后来当选的美国总统约翰逊·肯尼迪在参加竞选时曾有过这样的提醒：“今天在美国出生的黑人婴儿，不管他出生在国内哪一个地区，和同一天在同一地方出生的婴儿相比，读完中学的机会只有一半，读完大学或学到专业知识的机会只有三分之一，而他们失业的机会却比白人多一倍；他们每年挣得一万元的机会只有白人的七分之一，寿命要比白人短七年，而可望挣到的钱却只有白人的一半。”还记得肯尼迪说完这段话后以总统的身份保证亲自支持一切旨在纠正这种不公正现象的计划。然而，随后美国黑人的景况到底如何呢？马丁·路德·金告诉我们：“黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品；”黑人“在旅途劳顿之后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外”，“黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区住到较大的黑人居住区”，他们完全没有选择居住地的自由：黑人的“孩子被‘仅供白人’的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严”，完全不能享受与白人孩子一样的受教育权利；在美国的许多州区，黑人不能参加选举，所有的国家选举活动都与他们无关……这种种现状与美国政府宣称的“世界上民主历史最久的国家”相匹配吗？这种愚昧时代落后意识的保留依然弥漫在现代化时代的美国社会，显得多么荒诞可笑!这种极其不尊重人权的行为竟然被美国某些人坚持信奉，在标榜自己是最尊重人权的美国出现，岂不是与美国政府宣言所追求的精神大相径庭，又大出洋相？“所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众”。《我有一个梦》毫不留情地戳破了事实的真相，并严正警告美国政府：“现在已是万分紧急的时刻，现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候”，“忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的”，“在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石直至辉煌灿烂的正义之日来临。”后来的事实证明，这绝不是危言耸听的恐吓或杞人忧天的无病呻吟，美国黑人民权运动的高涨及斗争的长期性残酷性，特别是5年后马
《我有一个梦》是一篇掷地有声的战斗宣言，它向所有黑人吹响了投入战斗的号角。“我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签定了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺一不论黑人还是白人—都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。”既然美国宪法和独立宣言早已赋予了黑人这份权利，现在就要把一直没能享有的权利讨回来!“1963年不是结束，而是一个开端”。马丁·路德·金代表所有受歧视受压迫的黑人表达了准备经受长期艰苦战斗的考
《我有一个梦》是一篇感人至深的号召书。马丁·路德·金的演讲中，说话的对象径渭分明。当他义正辞严地讲明局势后，口气一转，面对25万义愤填膺、同仇敌忾的黑人同胞和他们的白人朋友们，又以良师益友的身份语重心长、平等亲切地做了最冷静客观的劝告和提醒：“在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪……我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。”作为职业律师，马丁·路德·金有着清醒的法律意识和机智的思维判断，他告诫同胞们，要保持理智，要约束自己的行为；还要团结一切可以团结的力量，不要“导致我们对所有白人的不信任”，因为“他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关，他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证”。他认为只有建立最广泛的民权运动的统一战线，目标才能实现。应该说，马丁·路德·金的讲话，结
《我有一个梦》是一幅美好憧憬的图画。满怀激情的马丁·路德·金，带着对未来民主平等生活的期盼，描绘了他心中的梦：“我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：我们这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”他以激昂的语调发出了呼唤：“回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧……”“我梦想有一天，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。”“我梦想有一天，我的四个小儿女将生活在一个不以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。” “我梦想有一天，……黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般携手并行。”多么真诚挚朴的心愿，多么坦荡无私的吐露，在马丁·路德·金的想像中，这是一幅多么美妙的图画，如“上帝的光华再现，贯穿全篇的浓烈激情是作者传递给我们的第一强音。无论你是哪个国家哪个民族哪种肤色的人，无论你对当年美国的黑人运动了解与否，只要读到《我有一个梦》，就会被扑面而来的豪壮气魄所打动，被充溢其中的强烈义愤所感染，而这种激情与义愤决不是停留在盲目冲动的层面，它蕴涵着丰厚的底蕴与博大的情怀，展示着博深的见识和仁慈博爱的精神以及
结构上的严谨与段落的匀称也是《我有一个梦》的精彩之处。全篇完成的是提出问题、分析问题、解决问题的全过程，而我们为什么要集会，目标是什么，应当怎样做，以及对目标实现的憧憬是全篇联系紧密的贯穿线索。马丁·路德·金以美国总统林肯签署的《解放宣言》为理论大旗，开篇就提出了100年前这项重要法令对解放千百万黑奴的重大意义。在对美国历史的回顾中引出了具有鲜明针对性的话题—100年后的今天，黑人的真正权利在这个国家里依然没有实现。这一高屋建领的导人，显示马丁·路德·金将《解放宣言》视为自己所倡导的黑人民权运动的尚方宝剑，其寓意是不言而喻的。紧接着就是急转直下的黑人现状的揭露：他们被隔离被歧视，他们贫困潦倒，他们在自己的国土家园中生活却因为不被认同而没有归属感……正因如此，我们聚到了一起，来讨还本该属于我们的权利。当揭示真相和明确目标后，马丁用三个自然段指出了势态的严重性和紧迫性；又用三段文字表达了自己对斗争策略的意见；最后以对黑人同胞的理解和同情发出了有力的呼吁，在对美好未来的描述
在修辞方面，大量形象贴切的比喻，使《我有一个梦》犹如一部鲜活的影视记录片，具象生动地表达了美国黑人民权运动的动态画面。如将《解放宣言》比喻为“带来希望之光的硕大灯塔”，“结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明”；又如将25万人参加的“向华盛顿进军”的示威游行集会，比喻为“是为了兑现一张支票”，而这是“一张空头支票”，“一张盖着资金不足印戳被退回的支票”。更为形象的比喻还有将每一个美国人都享有的生存权、自由权、人生幸福权比喻为一张“期票”，由这张不能兑现的“期票”，一针见血地指出了美国政府对他的有色公民正拖欠着债务。这种人们非常习惯并极易接受的喻体，很自然地导出了“我们决不相信正义的银行会破产”，“我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足”的更新一
排比句的使用在文章中更是达到了炉火纯青的地步。“100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地跳姗于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣瀚海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中向隅而泣……”“现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳光大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝的所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。”“回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧：回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧……”“我梦想有一天。……我梦想有一天……我梦想有一天……”马丁·路德·金用一连串结构成分类似的句子将演讲的主旨层层深入，引领听众在反复吟诵中体味内涵，感悟作者一颗对黑人民权运动的拳拳之心。
作为一篇精彩的演讲词，《我有一个梦》几乎囊括了演讲词撰写的全部要素。其快捷鲜明的节奏和朗朗上口如吟唱般的副歌形式将演讲变成了歌唱。当马丁·路德·金用内在张力的外显和起承转合的严密将一吐为快的满腔热血合盘托出时，其强烈的震撼力及感染力也就
马丁·路德·金离开人世已经35年了，这35年间世界格局发生了重大变化。美国已几易总统，国内政策正趋于被更多美国人所接受的开明和民主，众多黑人活跃在美国多种重要部门，充当着重要的社会角色也已成为不争的事实。那种靠制度支撑种族歧视的时代已经一去不复返了。今天的美国社会现状，无疑对马丁·路德·金的在天之灵是最好的告慰。但，且慢，真正的自由是否已属于每一个美国公民？而美国政府强加给其他国家的强权干涉甚至战争又何时能彻底结束？相信这依然是马丁·路德·金所忧虑和痛恨的。只要世界的任何一个角落还有不公平不公正和不人道，《我有一个梦》中的“梦”就没有实现，我们的警惕就
——《中学语文教学》2003年第10期
1963年8月28日，马丁·路德·金组织了美国历史上影响深远的“自由进军”运动。他率领一支庞大的游行队伍向首都华盛顿进军，为全美国的黑人争取人权。他在林肯纪念堂前向25万人发表了著名的演说《我有一个梦想》，为反对种族歧视、争取平等发出呼号。《我有一个梦想》由三部分内容组成，首先回顾并肯定林肯签署《解放黑奴宣言》的重大意义。其次揭示黑人生活的现状，抨击美国社会黑暗的一面，提出自己的正当要求，并特别强调讲究反抗种族歧视的斗争策略。马丁·路德·金受印度甘地思想的影响，反对使用暴力，要求以“公民不服从”的方式进行反抗。“公民不服从”作为西方社会弱势群体表达意愿的方式，深深植根于西方的伦理及宗教传统，通过诉诸公众的良知达到祛除社会不正义的目标，体现了强烈的道德意识和远大的感召力。最后以描绘多个“梦想”的方式来展望前途，认为前途是光明的，即如古老的黑人圣歌歌词：“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢万能的上帝，我们终于自由了!
《我有一个梦想》具有现实针对性，逻辑清晰，有极强的感染力。这不仅与思想内容有关，也与马丁·路德·金高超的演讲语言艺术有关。他擅长用整句构成排比，用短句增强力度，用《圣经》的修辞方式把思想表达得形象生动。如文中多处的比喻出自《圣经》典故：祈使句的使用具有先知传道的口吻；对梦想的描绘，受到《圣经》对神迹描述的启示。最后以圣歌结尾，增加了演说内容的形象性和感染力。概言之，这篇演讲词，言辞雄辩，气势磅礴，充满着时代精神，给人一种紧迫感和使命感。直至今日，它对美国的民权立法，对全世界反对种族隔离，种族歧视和黑人争取民主自由解放的斗争，都产生着不可估量的深远影响。
第二篇：我有一个梦想 马丁.路德.金
Lesson 15 I Have A Dream by Martin Luther King
我有一个梦想 马丁.路德.金 I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation wil1 rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident;that all men are created equa1.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former s1aveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood;I have a dream...That one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice;I have a dream...That my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character;I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers;I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, and rough places will be made plane and crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!But not only that;let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
root n.根 v.(使)扎根
creed n.信条
self-evident adj.不言而喻的brotherhood n.手足情谊
swelter v.(使)闷热
injustice n.不公平
oasis n.绿洲
vicious adj.恶毒的,不道德的racist n.种旅主义者
interposition n.插入
nullification n.废弃
exaltv.晋升
crooked adj.弯曲的glory n.荣誉
reveal v.揭露
hew v.砍
despair n.绝望
jangle v.刺耳作响 n.吵嚷
discord n.不一致, 不和谐
symphony n.交响乐
curvaceous adj.曲线美的slope n.斜坡
molehill n.山丘
mountainside n.山冈, 山腰
1963年8月28日 朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管今天和明天困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深植于美国梦之中。
我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”
我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山冈上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足；
我梦想有一天甚至连密西西比州，一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成自由和公正的青青绿洲；
我梦想有一天,我的四个小儿女将生活在一个不是以肤色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里；我今天怀有一个梦。
我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管那儿种族主义者猖獗，尽管该州州长仍在滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行，但总有一天，那儿的黑人儿童能够与白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行；我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，崎路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。
这就是我们的希望，这就是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由。因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。让自由之声响彻科罗拉多白雪皑皑的洛基山！让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！让自由之声响彻田纳西州的瞭望山！
让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘。让自由之声响彻每一个山冈！
第三篇：《我有一个梦想》——马丁.路德.金
Martin Luther King, Jr.: I Have a Dream
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963.Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The peaceful Warrior, pocket Books, NY 1968
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked insufficient funds.But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, When will you be satisfied? we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negros basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governors lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of Gods children will be able to sing with a new meaning, My country, tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of pennsylvania!Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!But not only that;let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of Gods children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, Free at last!free at last!thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
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第四篇：马丁·路德金演讲稿：《我有一个梦想》
GUIZHOU UNIVERSITY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS
马丁·路德·金 简介
马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人刺杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。
1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。
尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起
College Of Tourism Management GUIZHOU UNIVERSITY OF FINANCE AND ECONOMICS
“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。
1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。
美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。
College Of Tourism Management
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