第二次阿富汗战争战例分析与评价

第一篇：第二次阿富汗战争战例分析与评价

第二次阿富汗战争

一、战役背景

（一）九一一事件

美国总统布什向世界宣布美军要在阿富汗打一场样式很特殊的反恐怖战争，以彻底消灭制造九一一事件的幕后黑手及其同盟者塔利班武装。

（二）塔利班组织和美国互不信任

在战争爆发之前大约一周，美国总统乔治布什向塔利班政府发出最后通谍，要求他们：

1.把盖达高层成员交给美国 2.释放所有被监禁的外国人

3.保护在阿富汗的外国记者、外交人员、支援人员

4.让美国人员检查所有训练营，证实它们全部被关闭

塔利班政府则拒绝与美国对话，并指与非穆斯林领袖对话是对他们的侮辱。但他们也透过在巴基斯坦的大使馆要求美国提供证据让他们自行在伊斯兰法庭起诉拉登。后来他们提出把拉登移送到中立国。但乔治·布什拒绝这些条款。

（三）联合国对塔利班发出最后通牒

联合国安理会在2000年12月19日要求塔利班移送拉登到美国或第三国就1998年的爆炸案接受起诉，以及关闭所有武装训练营，否则将会制裁阿富汗。

二、力量对比

兵力：

阿富汗方面：

喀布尔的陷落标志著塔利班在阿富汗全国的瓦解。在24小时内，所有的阿富汗沿伊朗边境各省，包括关键的城市赫拉特，都被北方联盟攻下。当地普什图族指挥官和军阀接管整个阿富汗东北部，包括关键的城市贾拉拉巴德。到当年11月16日，塔利班在阿富汗北部最后一个据点被北方联盟围困。此时，塔利班主力已被迫撤回到阿富汗东南部坎大哈周围地区。

（五）心理战术

美军阿富汗一处营区2005年10月份驻阿富汗美军发生所谓“焚尸门事件”，塔利班武装分子声称美军利用焚尸当成心理战术，2005年10月21日美国表示战场上可能有所谓所谓“虐尸”事件是属于卫生处理。美国在阿富汗实际上是有一个心理战单位“美国陆军第913心理战小组”。

（六）战争结束

2012年5月2日，正在对阿富汗进行突击访问的美国总统奥巴马在喀布尔郊外的巴格拉姆空军基地表示，阿富汗战争即将结束。

2014年12月28日，阿富汗首都喀布尔举行了宣告仪式，驻阿富汗国际维和部队指挥官在仪式上收起部队军旗以示战争结束。美军撤离阿富汗在即，但喀布尔遭受的塔利班武装袭击日益增多。

2014年12月29日，美国总统奥巴马宣布耗时13年之久、逾两千名美国士兵为之牺牲，花费超过1万亿美元的阿富汗战争正式结束。

四、战役评价和启示

此次战争可以说是一场美国发起的另一场越南战争，它沉重打击了美国的帝国主义侵略的嚣张气焰。在一定程度上，它反映出了信息化战争的弊端，他也为打赢信息化战争提供了一定的依据。在这场战争中我们不难看出现阶段信息化战争的基础仍是机械化战争，这个基础存在也必将存在很长时间。在这场战争中暴露出了信息化战争花费过大，在进行信息化战争时，往往是国家自身经济实力的斗争，是对一个国家能否承受信息化战争巨大消耗的比拼。就拿美国来言，其在战争中平均每天花费是一亿元，在战争激烈时花费

对于我国这种人口众多而土地面积巨大的大型国家之间的战争，在战争初期可以采取双方互相以巡航导弹等精确制导武器对于高价值经济或者战略目标以及对军工产业、工业生产能力节点、工业薄弱环节和高精度设备仪器工厂的毁灭性打击以求在最大程度上毁伤敌制造能力。这种行为是最基本的也是损失较大的攻击方式。而如果我们将我们的工业发展平衡至全国，将我们的工厂尤其是关键的具有高价值的工厂分布于山区和内陆，在地下建立完整的工业体系和高质量高水平的工业再生产，基础工业再造以及工业生产能力。加强在全国可以快速转化工业、制造业发展变化为军事工业、军事制造业的水平，那么在战争过程中，我军将保持旺盛的活力和火力打击能力。大国之间的信息化战争往往较量的是制造业水平和能力，工业完备体系，经济体量和韧性。是在经过第一轮毁灭性打击之后的重建能力和再制造再发展能力。谁的制造业水平高，谁的工业体系完善，谁能更快地完成战时经济、战时工业、战时体制的转化，谁能更快地制造第二轮打击所需武器装备往往谁就掌握了主动权，掌握主动权的一方往往是掌握胜利的一方。在中后期则可以根据敌方的损失情况进行适当的战争形态的转变，但要保证敌人的生产力水平和制造能力始终低于我。这种发展方式在很大程度上可以降低我方的损失，并争取最终胜利。这种方式在全面常规战争和核战争时优势尤为突出。

在局部战争中甚至可以采取敌打我防，敌打击我有生力量我将其藏在敌无法打击的地点。敌现我打，诱使敌有生力量出现而后我打击其有生力量。敌停我骗，在敌人的停止打击时我采取高精度高价值目标模型的方式，模拟真实高价值部队调集和伪装，在“”不经意间”暴露诱骗敌方打击我，借此消耗敌人火力力量。敌骗我查，做好情报侦察工作，在敌内部要充分做好情报工作在战争中做好侦察工作越高价值的目标越要谨慎，越要审查，努力看破敌的诱骗。

人民战争是永不过时的，掌握并利用好我国的人口优势，转变我国人口负担成为巨大的战争潜力。使得敌人对我敢战而不敢占，是我国永远不灭的巨大法宝。将成为我国在消耗巨大的战争和在明显劣势的战争中永远不败的根本。

第二篇：美国发表阿富汗战争进展报告

美国发表阿富汗战争进展报告

This week, President Obama released a progress report on the Afghan war, now in its tenth year.The five-page summary of the Afghanistan and Pakistan Annual Review says “there are notable operational gains.” 本周，奥巴马发表了一份关于阿富汗战争的进展报告，目前已进入战争的第十个年头。这份只有5页的阿富汗和巴基斯坦回顾的摘要称，“取得了显著的成效。”

For example, the president welcomed major Pakistani offensives in the tribal areas.But he said progress has not come fast enough.例如，奥巴马对巴基斯坦在部落地区的强大攻势表示了欢迎。但他称，进展速度不够快。

BARACK OBAMA: “So we will continue to insist to Pakistani leaders that terrorist safe havens within their borders must be dealt with.” 奥巴马：“因此，我们将继续坚决向巴基斯坦领导人主张，必须摧毁恐怖分子在巴基斯坦边境的藏身地。”

Afghan Interior Minister Rehman Malik dismissed criticism of his country.巴基斯坦内政部长拉赫曼·马利克（Rehman Malik）驳斥了对巴基斯坦的批评。注：此处为VOA官方失误，拉赫曼·马利克是巴基斯坦内政部长，而不是阿富汗。

REHMAN MALIK: “If you see the statistics in terms of the casualties and injuries, it is Pakistan which has suffered the most in the world.We have done a lot.We are suffering in terms of our economy and obviously it is affecting our common man in the country.” 马利克说：“如果你看到人员伤亡方面的统计，巴基斯坦损失最严重。我们做了很多工作，我们在经济方面也承受诸多，而且显然这影响到了我们国家的普通民众。”

Most suspected American missile strikes in Pakistan have taken place in North Waziristan.The United States believes the Haqqani network of the Afghan Taliban has established bases there.巴基斯坦大部分疑似美国导弹袭击发生在北瓦济里斯坦。美国认为，阿富汗塔利班哈卡尼网络在该地区建立了基地。

The American ambassador in Islamabad said Friday that the United States has been talking closely with Pakistan about launching an offensive in North Waziristan.But Ambassador Cameron Munter says Pakistani forces are stretched too thin to launch it now.美国驻伊斯兰堡大使卡梅隆·蒙特称，美国一直就在北瓦济里斯坦地区发动一次攻势与巴基斯坦密切交谈。但他称巴基斯坦军队目前战线拉得太长，无法发动这类攻势。

President Obama said the review shows that the United States and its partners are “on track” to reach their goals.He said the goal is not to defeat every single threat to Afghan security.奥巴马称这份回顾显示，美国及其合作伙伴正在实现目标的轨道上。他称，其目的并非打击每个威胁阿富汗安全的目标。

BARACK OBAMA: “We are focused on disrupting, dismantling and defeating al-Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and preventing its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.” 奥巴马：“我们聚焦于瓦解、分散和打败位于阿富汗和巴基斯坦的基地组织，并防范未来其威胁美国和我们的盟友的能力。”

The Taliban said the review was propaganda designed to create “baseless hope.” 塔利班称这份回顾旨在为创建一种“毫无基础的希望”宣传。

The United States currently has about one hundred thousand troops in Afghanistan.The plan is for American troops to begin leaving in July and for Afghans to control their own security by the end of twenty-fourteen.美国当前在阿富汗部署了大约10万军队。这项计划是为了美国军队7月份开始撤离，以及阿富汗在2014年底完全控制自身安全局势。

Mr.Obama said for “security gains to be sustained over time, there is an urgent need for political and economic progress in Afghanistan.” 奥巴马称，为了“稳固安全成果，阿富汗政治和经济发展存在迫切需求。”

A new survey by the Washington Post and ABC News found that sixty percent of Americans now think the war is not worth fighting.一份由华盛顿邮报和美国广播公司发起的最新调查显示，60%的美国人现在认为这场战争不值得打。

On Monday, the president lost his special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, appointed in January of last year.Richard Holbrooke died at the age of sixty-nine.Last Friday he suffered a torn aorta, a large artery that carries blood from the heart to the body.周一，奥巴马失去了去年1月任命的驻阿富汗和巴基斯坦特使理查德.霍尔布鲁克（Richard Holbrooke），霍尔布鲁克享年69岁。上周五他一条心脏供血的大动脉破裂。

President Obama called Richard Holbrooke “one of the giants of American foreign policy.” 奥巴马称霍尔布鲁克是美国外交政策的巨人之一。

Anthony Dworkin is an analyst for the European Council on Foreign Relations.安东尼·德沃金（Anthony Dworkin）是欧洲对外关系委员会的分析师。

ANTHONY DWORKIN: “He made enemies but he also got things done and in that sense he was a very effective negotiator.” 德沃金：“他树立了敌人，但他也解决了问题。从这种意义上来说，他是一名高效的谈判家。”

Mr.Holbrooke began as a foreign service officer in Vietnam in nineteen sixty-two.He may be remembered most for negotiating the peace deals that ended the wars in the former Yugoslavia.霍尔布鲁克1962年开始在越南担任外交官员。他最为人称道的是通过谈判促成和平协议，结束了前南斯拉夫战争。

Those deals included the nineteen ninety-five peace agreement for Bosnia.The talks took place at an Air Force base near the American city of Dayton, Ohio.该协议还包括1995年波黑和平协议。该次会谈在美国俄亥俄州德顿市附近的美国空军基地举行。

Haris Silajdzic, a member of Bosnia's three-member presidency, took part in those talks and praised Richard Holbrooke's diplomatic skill.哈里斯·西拉伊季奇（Haris Silajdzi）是波黑三人主席团成员，他参加了这些谈判，并赞扬了霍尔布鲁克的外交技巧。

HARIS SILAJDZIC: “The world has lost a very able diplomat.We need good people all over the world to prevent wars and to make peace.He was one of the best.” 西拉伊季奇：“世界失去了一位非常能干的外交官，我们需要世界各地的优秀人才来防止战争，实现和平，他是其中的佼佼者。”

Mr.Holbrooke's deputy, Frank Ruggiero, is now acting in his place.霍尔布鲁克的副手弗兰克·鲁杰罗（Frank Ruggiero）目前接替了他的位置。

第三篇：市场调查与分析 第二次作业

根据以下材料完成一份完整的问卷设计。

要求：有问卷标题、问卷说明、被调查者基本情况、调查主题内容、编码、作业证明记载这六个部分。

问卷设计材料

清凉啤酒公司的经理正在考虑改进啤酒包装，采用 250 毫升的小瓶并采用 4 ～ 6 瓶组合包装出售的策略。

这样做目的：一方面是方便顾客，因为小瓶容量小适合单人饮用，不需另用杯子也不会造成浪费。第二方面是希望对更多的人具有吸引力，使小瓶装啤酒进入一些大瓶装啤酒不能进入的社交场合。第三方面是方便顾客购买并促进销售。这种啤酒在国外早已流行，但目前是不是在我国推出的时机呢?在正式作出采用新包装的决策之前，必须获得下面问题的答案：新包装是否有足够的市场?目标市场是什么?一般在什么时候饮用?顾客希望在哪类商店买到?

研究目的有以下方面：

（1）测量消费者对小瓶组包装啤酒接受的可能性。

（2）辨别小瓶组合包装啤酒的潜在购买者和使用者。

（3）辨别新包装啤酒的使用场合（4）判断顾客希望在什么地方的商店买到这种啤酒

（5）判断潜在的市场大小

第四篇：美国总统奥巴马关于调整阿富汗战争政策的讲话

美国总统奥巴马关于调整阿富汗战争政策的讲话 Good evening.To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans:

晚上好。美国军校学员们、男女将士们、同胞们：

I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan--the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion.It’s an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point--where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.今晚我想和你们谈一谈我们在阿富汗的行动——我们对该地区的承诺的性质、我们的利益范畴、以及本届政府为赢得这场战争而实施的战略。能够在这里发表此番讲话，我深感荣幸，因为西点军校有如此众多的男女学员随时准备挺身而出，捍卫我们的安全，展现我国最优秀的品质。

To address these important issues, it’s important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place.We did not ask for this fight.On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith or race or station.Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.在探讨这些重要问题时，有必要回顾一下美国及其盟友最初被迫在阿富汗开战的原因。这场战争不是我们挑起的。2001年9月11日，19名男子劫持了四架飞机，并利用这四架飞机杀害了近3000名民众。他们撞击了我们的军事和经济神经中枢。他们屠杀了无辜的男女老少，并不区分信仰、种族或社会地位。若不是其中一架飞机上的乘客采取了英勇的行动，他们还可能撞击我国民主制度在华盛顿的宏伟标志之一，并夺去更多人的生命。

As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda--a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents.Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban--a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.我们知道，这些人是“基地”组织成员——这个由极端主义分子组成的组织歪曲并玷污了全世界最伟大的宗教之一——伊斯兰教，以便为滥杀无辜寻找借口。“基地”组织的行动基地设在阿富汗，受到塔利班的庇护。塔利班是一个残酷无情、压制成性、极端激进的组织，在阿富汗多年遭受苏联占领和内战蹂躏后夺取政权，而当时美国和我国盟友的注意力已转向其他地区。

Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them--an authorization that continues to this day.The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing.The vote in the House was 420 to 1.For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5--the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all.And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks.America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our common security.在“9.11”事件发生短短数日后，国会授权对“基地”组织以及那些庇护该组织的人使用武力——这项授权至今依然有效。当时参议院的表决结果是98票对0票，众议院的表决结果是420票对1票。北大西洋公约组织有史以来首次实施第五条——该条规定对一个成员国的攻击应被视为对所有成员国的攻击。联合国安理会也支持采取一切必要行动，应对“9.11”袭击事件。美国、我国盟友及全世界采取一致行动，旨在摧毁“基地”恐怖主义组织网络，保卫我们的共同安全。

Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy--and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden--we sent our troops into Afghanistan.Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed.The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heels.A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope.At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai.And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.在这种国内团结和国际授权的形势下——而且是在塔利班拒绝交出乌萨马?本?拉登之后——我们派兵进入阿富汗。在短短几个月内，“基地”组织溃不成军，很多成员被击毙。塔利班被赶下台，狼狈逃窜。这个几十年来被恐怖所笼罩的地方看到了希望之光。在一次由联合国召集的会议上，组建了一个以哈米德·卡尔扎伊为总统的临时政府。同时建立了一支国际安全援助部队，以帮助这个遭受战争蹂躏的国家实现持久和平。

Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq.The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here.It’s enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention--and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.后来，在2003年初作出了在伊拉克进行另一场战争的决定。围绕伊拉克战争展开的痛苦的辩论众所皆知，无需在此重述。需要说明的是，在接下来的六年里，伊拉克战争占用了我们的主要兵力、资源、外交努力和全国的注意力——在伊拉克开战的决定还在美国和世界上许多国家之间造成了严重的裂痕。

Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end.We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011.That we are doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in uniform.(Applause.)Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people.今天，在付出巨大代价之后，我们正在以负责任的方式结束伊拉克战争。我们将在明年夏天结束之前撤出我们的作战部队，并到2011年年底撤出我国全部军队。我们的行动证明了我军男女将士的品格。由于他们的勇气、刚毅和坚忍，我们给伊拉克人民提供了一个决定自己的前途的机会，并将伊拉克完好地交还给伊拉克人民。

But while we’ve achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated.After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there.Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it’s been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.然而，当我们在伊拉克取得来之不易的重大成果时，阿富汗局势却出现恶化。“基地”组织头目在2001年和2002年越境逃窜到巴基斯坦后，在那里建立了一个藏身之地。阿富汗人民虽然推选出了一个合法政府，但这个政府因腐败行为、毒品交易、欠发达的经济和力量不足的安全部队受到削弱。Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.近几年来，塔利班与“基地”组织同流合污，他们共同谋求推翻阿富汗政府，同时还对巴基斯坦人民发起了日益猖獗、极具破坏性的恐怖主义攻击。

Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq.When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war.Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive.And that’s why, shortly after taking office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops.After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan.I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.在这个时期，我国在阿富汗的驻军规模仅相当于在伊拉克的一小部分。在我就任总统时，驻扎在阿富汗的美军人数刚刚超过32,000人，而伊拉克的美国驻军人数最多曾达到160,000人。阿富汗驻军的指挥官多次请求增援，以反击卷土重来的塔利班，但始终未能如愿。因此，我在就职不久后便批准已提出多时的增兵请求。在同我国盟友进行磋商之后，我宣布了一项战略，阐明了我们在阿富汗的作战行动与极端主义分子在巴基斯坦的藏身地之间的重要联系。我制定了一个目标，具体而言便是“挫败、瓦解并战胜‘基地’组织及其极端主义同伙”，并承诺更好地协调我们的军事及非军事行动。

Since then, we’ve made progress on some important objectives.High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we’ve stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide.In Pakistan, that nation’s army has gone on its largest offensive in years.In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and--although it was marred by fraud--that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan’s laws and constitution.从那时起，我们已经在一些重要目标上取得进展。“基地”组织和塔利班的一些重要头目被击毙，我们在世界范围内增大了对“基地”组织的压力。在巴基斯坦，该国军队发动了多年来最大的攻势。在阿富汗，我们和我们的盟友挫败了塔利班阻止总统选举的图谋。虽然选举中出现了舞弊现象，但通过选举产生了符合阿富汗法律和宪法的政府。

Yet huge challenges remain.Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards.There’s no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum.Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border.And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population.Our new commander in Afghanistan--General McChrystal--has reported that the security situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.然而，巨大的挑战依然存在。阿富汗没有崩溃，但在数年里出现了倒退。政府没有面临被推翻的紧迫威胁，但塔利班的势力增大。“基地”组织在阿富汗并没有恢复到“9.11”之前的规模，但保持了他们在边境地区的藏身之地。我们的军队没有获得他们所需要的足够的支持，因此未能有效地训练阿富汗安全部队并与他们合作以更好地保护人民的安全。我们的新任阿富汗指挥官麦克里斯托尔上将报告说，安全局势比他预期的情况更加严重。要言之：目前的状况无法维持。

As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger.Some of you fought in Afghanistan.Some of you will deploy there.As your Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service.And that’s why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review period.Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people--and our troops--no less.作为军校学员，你们在这一危险时期自愿服役。你们之中有些人曾经在阿富汗作战，有些人将被派往那里。作为你们的总司令，我有责任向你们明确表述一项值得你们为之奉献的使命。因此，在阿富汗投票结束后，我坚持对我们的战略进行彻底审议。我希望在此明确表示：从来没有人提出过在2010年之前部署部队的方案，因此，在审议期间没有发生延误或拒绝提供必要战争资源的情况。相反，这次审议使我有机会提出一些难于回答的问题，并与我的国家安全班子、我们在阿富汗的军事和外交领导人以及我们的重要伙伴讨论各种选择方案。鉴于此举事关重大，这是我对美国人民和我们的军人所应承担的基本责任。

This review is now complete.And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S.troops to Afghanistan.After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home.These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.现在这项审议工作已经完成。作为武装部队总司令，我作出决定，为了捍卫至关重要的国家利益，向阿富汗增派30,000名美国军人。18个月后，我们的部队将开始返国。这是我们为了掌握主动权所必需的资源，同时阿富汗的能力将得到加强，使我们的部队能够以负责任的方式离开阿富汗。

I do not make this decision lightly.I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions.We have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources.Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort.And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home.我并非轻易作出这个决定。我之所以反对伊拉克战争，正是因为我认为我们在使用武力方面必须慎之又慎，并且务必考虑到我们的行动可能产生的长期后果。我们已经进行了八年战争，承担了巨大的生命和资源损失。多年来，由于就伊拉克和恐怖主义争执不下，我们在国家安全问题上意见难以统一，走向两个极端，以党派划线。美国人民刚刚经历了自大萧条以来最严重的经济危机，他们关注的核心问题是振兴经济，为本国老百姓创造就业机会，这不难理解。

Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you--a military that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens.As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars.I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed.I visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed.I’ve traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place.I see firsthand the terrible wages of war.If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.最重要的是，我知道这项决定要求你们作出更大奉献——你们这些军人以及你们的家人已经承受着最沉重的负担。身为总统，我签署了发给在这两场战争中失去亲人的每一个家庭的唁函。我阅读了那些奔赴疆场的官兵的父母妻子发来的信件，在沃尔特里德医院看望了勇敢的伤员，并前往多佛迎接18名美国军人的覆盖着国旗的灵柩，迎接他们回到永久安息之地。我亲眼目睹战争恐怖的代价。如果我不认为阿富汗关系到美国国家和人民的安全，我会乐意地命令我们的每一名军人明天就回国。

So, no, I do not make this decision lightly.I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan.This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda.It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak.This is no idle danger;no hypothetical threat.In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity.We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region.因此，我并非轻易作出这个决定。我之所以作出这个决定是因为我深信：阿富汗和巴基斯坦关系到我们的安全。这里是“基地”组织从事极端主义暴力活动的中心。正是在这里，他们发动了“9.11”袭击。正是在这里，就在我讲话的此时此刻，新的袭击正在策划之中。这不是无足轻重的风险，也不是假想的威胁。就在过去几个月里，我们在我们的国界之内拘捕了极端主义分子，他们被从阿富汗和巴基斯坦的边境地区派来，执行新的恐怖行动。如果该地区走向倒退，“基地”组织能够为所欲为，这种危险只会增大。我们必须保持对“基地”组织的压力，要达到这一目标，我们就必须帮助该地区的伙伴国家增进稳定和能力。

Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear.This is not just America’s war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali.The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered.And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.当然，我们并非独自承受这个重担。这不是一场美国的战争。自从“9.11”以来，从伦敦到安曼到巴厘的袭击均源于“基地”组织的藏身之地。阿富汗和巴基斯坦的人民和政府受到严重威胁。由于巴基斯坦拥有核武器，关系更加重大，因为我们知道“基地”组织和其他极端主义分子妄图获取核武器，我们有充分理由相信他们会使用这些武器。

These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies.Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.这些事实迫使我们与我们的友邦和盟国共同行动。我们的最终目标依然没有改变：在阿富汗和巴基斯坦挫败、击溃并战胜“基地”组织，防止它在未来积聚力量，威胁美国和我们的盟国。

To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven.We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future.为了实现这一长期目标，我们将在阿富汗达到下列短期目标。我们必须清除“基地”组织的藏身之地。我们必须遏制塔利班的扩张势头，阻止它获得推翻政府的能力。我们还必须加强阿富汗安全部队和政府的能力，以便他们能够为阿富汗的未来承担主要责任。

We will meet these objectives in three ways.First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban’s momentum and increase Afghanistan’s capacity over the next 18 months.我们将通过三个途径实现上述目标。第一，今后18个月，我们将采取军事战略打击塔利班的气焰，增强阿富汗的实力。

The 30,000 additional troops that I’m announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010--the fastest possible pace--so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers.They’ll increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.我今晚宣布增派的30,000名军人将在2010年以最快的速度上半年部署完毕，从而集中力量打击反叛活动，同时保障主要人口聚集地的安全。这部分兵力将增强我们的能力，有助于训练阿富汗安全部队，并且与他们协同努力，争取更多的阿富汗人参加作战。与此同时，他们也将为美国将责任转交给阿富汗创造条件。

Because this is an international effort, I’ve asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies.Some have already provided additional troops, and we’re confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead.Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan.And now, we must come together to end this war successfully.For what’s at stake is not simply a test of NATO’s credibility--what’s at stake is the security of our allies, and the common security of the world.由于这是一次国际性行动，我已经要求我们的承诺应得到我们盟国的支援。有些盟国已经提供了部队，我们相信今后几天或几个星期里还将获得进一步的支援。我们的友邦已经和我们一起在阿富汗浴血奋战并遭受了人员的伤亡。现在，我们必须为顺利结束这场战争同心协力。因为关键不仅仅在于考验北约的信誉 —关键也在于我们各盟国的共同安全，全世界的共同安全。

But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011.Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We’ll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul.But it will be clear to the Afghan government--and, more importantly, to the Afghan people--that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.以上新增的美军人员和国际部队共同努力，将有利于我们加快向阿富汗部队移交安全责任的工作，也可促使我们从2011年7月开始将我军陆续撤出阿富汗。正如我们在伊拉克采取的行动一样，我们将根据实地情况，以负责的态度实施过渡。我们将继续为阿富汗安全部队提供咨询和协助，保证他们能够取得长期的成功。但是，很显然，对于阿富汗政府而言——同时，更重要的是，对阿富汗人民而言——他们将最终为自己的国家承担责任。

Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.第二，我们将与我们的合作伙伴、联合国和阿富汗人民一起，采取更有效的民政方略，使阿富汗政府能够妥善利用安全形势的改善。

This effort must be based on performance.The days of providing a blank check are over.President Karzai’s inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction.And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance.We’ll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people.We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable.And we will also focus our assistance in areas--such as agriculture--that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.这方面的工作必须以政绩为基础。只知道开空头支票的时代已经结束。卡尔扎伊总统的就职演说传达了正确的信息，提出了新的努力方向。今后，我们将表明，我们对接受我国援助的一方有哪些期待。我们将支持阿富汗各部、各省和各地方打击腐败和为民众谋福利的领导人。我们期望那些庸庸碌碌或贪污腐化的人罪责自负。我们还将要求我国援助的重点是能对阿富汗人民的生活立即产生效果的部门——例如农业部门。The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades.They’ve been confronted with occupation--by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand--America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering.We have no interest in occupying your country.We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens.And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect--to isolate those who destroy;to strengthen those who build;to hasten the day when our troops will leave;and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron.阿富汗人民饱受暴力蹂躏已有数十年之久。他们曾有国土被占领的经历——苏联的入侵，然后是外来―基地‖组织武装人员，这些人试图利用阿富汗的领土达到自己的目的。为此，今晚我希望阿富汗人民能够明白—美国是要结束这些战争和苦难的岁月。我们无意占领你们的国家。我们支持阿富汗政府向放弃暴力和尊重本国同胞人权的塔利班人员敞开大门。我们还希望在相互尊重的基础上与阿富汗建立伙伴关系 – 孤立那些采取破坏行为的人；支援那些从事建设的人；让我军撤出的日子早日到来；同时相互建立永恒的友谊，让美国成为你们的伙伴，永远不以庇护者的身份出现。

Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.第三，我们采取行动之时将充分认识到我们在阿富汗的成功完全离不开我们与巴基斯坦的合作。

We’re in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country.But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan.That’s why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.我们在阿富汗是为了防止毒瘤再次向这个国家蔓延。但是这个同样的毒瘤已经在巴基斯坦边界地区生根。正是出于这个原因，我们需要采取在双方边界地区都行之有效的战略。

In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who’ve argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence.But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism.Public opinion has turned.The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan.And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy.过去，巴基斯坦有人声言，打击极端主义分子不是他们的事，对采取暴力的人不闻不问或者求得相安无事，对巴基斯坦更有好处。但是近几年来，从卡拉奇到伊斯兰堡，无辜的民众遭受屠杀，巴基斯坦人民显然最容易受极端主义分子的危害。公共舆论发生了转变。巴基斯坦军队也在斯瓦特山谷和南瓦齐里斯坦向极端主义分子发起了攻势。毫无疑问，美国和巴基斯坦面临着共同的敌人。

In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly.Those days are over.Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust.We will strengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s democracy and development.We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting.And going forward, the Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.以往，我们过于经常地从狭隘的角度来界定我们与巴基斯坦的关系，但这种做法已经结束。从今以后，我们致力于建立与巴基斯坦的合作关系，这种关系将建立在共同利益、相互尊重和相互信任的基础之上。我们将增强巴基斯坦的能力，以打击威胁我们两国安全的团伙，并清楚地表明我们不能容忍为行踪已知而且企图明显的恐怖分子提供庇护所。美国还提供可观的资源以支持巴基斯坦的民主和发展，我们也是世界上为巴基斯坦战乱中的流离失所者提供援助最多的国家。展望未来，巴基斯坦人民可以相信：在枪声平息之后，美国仍会长期坚定地支持巴基斯坦的安全和繁荣，使其人民能够发挥自己的深厚潜力。

These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition;a civilian surge that reinforces positive action;and an effective partnership with Pakistan.我们的战略包括三个要素：以军事行动创造移交所需的条件；增派文职人员以强化正面行动；与巴基斯坦建立有效的伙伴关系。

I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach.So let me briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I’ve heard, and which I take very seriously.我知道人们对于我们的方针顾虑重重。因此让我扼要回应几种我不但听到、而且极为重视的主要论点。

First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we’re better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing.I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history.Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency.And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border.To abandon this area now--and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance--would significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.首先，有人认为阿富汗是另一个越南。他们认为该国局势不可能稳定，因此我们最好减少损失，迅速撤军。我认为这种看法是基于错误的历史观。与越战不同的是，我们有一个认同我们行动合法性的、由43个国家组成的广泛同盟。与越战的另一区别是，我们面临的不是一个受到民众广泛支持的叛乱。与越战相比最重要的区别在于，美国人民受到了来自阿富汗的恶意攻击，并且仍然面临在阿富汗边境地带进行谋划的同一伙极端分子的切实威胁。如果现在放弃该地区，只对―基地‖组织发起远距离的对具体目标的打击，将严重妨碍我们对―基地‖组织施加压力的能力，使我们的国家和盟友再度遭受攻击，这种风险是不可接受的。

Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can’t leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have.But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there.It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.其次，一些人认识到我们无法任由阿富汗停留在目前的状况，但是建议我们以现有的驻军向前推进。而这只会保持现状，让我们疲于应付，并造成局势缓慢恶化。这样做最终将需要付出更大的代价，并延长我们在阿富汗驻留的时间，因为我们将永远无法创造必要的条件，训练阿富汗安全部队并使之能够从容地承接责任。

Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition to Afghan responsibility.Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort--one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade.I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government.It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.最后，有人反对我们制定一个将责任移交给阿富汗方面的时间表。的确，有些人要求我们的军事行动升级，增加强度而且不设定期限——让我们承诺以长达十年的时间投入该国的重建。我反对这条路线，因为它制定的目标超出了我们能够为之付出的合理代价，也超出了我们为保障自身利益而需要取得的结果。此外，如果不制定移交时间表，将会使我们在与阿富汗政府合作时丧失紧迫感。必须申明，阿富汗将要为自己的安全负起责任，美国无意在阿富汗打一场无休止的战争。

As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, or our interests.And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces.I don’t have the luxury of committing to just one.Indeed, I’m mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who--in discussing our national security--said, ―Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs.‖

身为总统，我也拒绝制定超出我们的责任、能力或利益的目标。另外，我必须权衡我们国家面临的各种挑战。我不可能只应对一种挑战。的确，我谨记艾森豪威尔总统在提及我们的国家安全时所说的话：―对每项建议都必须进行更大范围的考量：即必须在每一个国家项目之内及各个项目之间保持平衡。‖

Over the past several years, we have lost that balance.We’ve failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle to pay the bills.Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce.So we can’t simply afford to ignore the price of these wars.过去几年来，我们失去了那种平衡。我们没有注重我们的国家安全与经济之间的联系。经济危机发生后，我们有太多朋友邻居失去了工作，要为付账而挣扎，美国有太多人在为孩子的前途而忧心忡忡。与此同时，全球经济中的竞争日益激烈。因此，我们确实无法忽视这些战争的代价。

All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars.Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly.Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I’ll work closely with Congress to address these costs as we work to bring down our deficit.在我就任时，如果把一切开支计算在内，伊拉克战争和阿富汗战争的费用已接近1万亿美元。未来，我将致力于以公开和诚实的方式处理费用问题。我们在阿富汗的新战略在今年很可能会需要约300亿美元的军事开支。在我们努力降低我国赤字的同时，我将密切与国会共同努力解决这些费用问题。但是，随着我们逐渐缩小伊拉克战争的规模并向阿富汗移交责任，我们必须重新充实国力。But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home.Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power.It pays for our military.It underwrites our diplomacy.It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry.And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last.That’s why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended--because the nation that I’m most interested in building is our own.我们的繁荣是我国力量的基础。它支付我国的军事开支，资助我国的外交，开发我国人民的潜力，允许对新产业投资。它将使我们能够在这个世纪的竞争中取得像上个世纪那样的成功。因此，我们在阿富汗的驻军承诺不能没有期限，因为我最关心的还是我们本国的建设。

Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy.The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan.It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.我希望明确表示：这一切都不容易。打击暴力极端主义的斗争不可能很快结束，它远远超出阿富汗和巴基斯坦。它是对我们作为一个自由社会以及我们在世界上的领导作用的长期考验。与决定二十世纪的大国冲突和明晰的界线不同，我们的努力将触及骚乱的地区、瘫痪的国家和分散的敌人。

So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict--not just how we wage wars.We’ll have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power.Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold--whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere--they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships.因此，美国必须以我们结束战争和防范冲突的方式——而不是以我们进行战争的方式——来表现我们的力量。我们在使用军事力量时必须灵活机动、精确无误。不管―基地‖组织及其同伙企图在何处建立据点——无论是在索马里、也门还是其他地方——都必须以不断增强的压力和牢固的伙伴关系予以应对。

And we can’t count on military might alone.We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can’t capture or kill every violent extremist abroad.We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.但是美国不能单靠我们的军事威力。我们必须为增进我国的国土安全而投入资源，因为我们不可能抓获或击毙每一个暴力极端主义分子。我们必须改进和更好地协调我们的情报工作，以便抢在地下网络的前面。

We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction.And that’s why I’ve made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them--because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever more destructive weapons;true security will come for those who reject them.我们不能让大规模毁灭性武器落入敌手。这正是我把绝不让恐怖分子得到散落的核材料、制止核武器扩散和寻求实现无核世界的目标当作我外交政策的一个中心支柱的原因。因为每一个国家都必须懂得，真正的安全绝不会来自无休止地进行毁灭力日增的武器的竞赛——真正的安全将由拒绝使用这类武器的人获得。

We’ll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone.I’ve spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships.And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world--one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.我们必须展开外交，因为没有哪一个国家能够单独应对相互联系的世界的挑战。今年一年，我都在巩固我们的同盟并建立新的伙伴关系。我们与穆斯林世界之间有了一个新的开端——即认识到我们的共同利益在于打破冲突的恶性循环并构筑一个未来，让捍卫和平繁荣与人类尊严者将屠杀无辜者置于孤立境地。

And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values--for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not.That’s why we must promote our values by living them at home--which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay.And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples.That is who we are.That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.最后，我们必须汲取我们价值观的力量，我们面对的挑战可能有所改变，但我们坚定的信念不会改变。因此，我们必须在国内以身作则，以此来推进我们的价值观——这就是我为什么禁止使用酷刑并将关闭关塔那摩湾的监狱。我们必须向世界各地生活在暴政阴影下的男女老少表明，美国将在人权问题上为他们代言，维护自由之光、正义、机会、以及对全人类尊严的尊重。这是我国的国格。这是美国威信的道义源泉。

Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs.We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents.We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies.We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions--from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank--that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings.从富兰克林·罗斯福时期开始，通过我们的祖父辈及其父辈的奉献与牺牲，我们的国家在全球事务中承担了特殊的重负。美国人在横跨几个大洲的许多国家里洒下了鲜血。我们把我们的收入用于帮助别人在废墟上重建他们的国家和发展他们的经济。我们与其他国家一道建立起一整套机构——包括联合国、北约和世界银行——保障了人类的共同安全与繁荣。

We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes.But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades--a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.我们并非完美无缺，我们曾经犯过错误。但美利坚合众国在过去60年内为全球安全所承担的责任超过任何一个国家。在这一时期，尽管出现这样或那样的问题，但我们目睹了壁垒拆除、市场开放、数十亿人民脱离贫困、科学取得前所未有的进步、人类自由的前沿不断向前拓展。

For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.Our union was founded in resistance to oppression.We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours.What we have fought for--what we continue to fight for--is a better future for our children and grandchildren.And we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity.(Applause.)

与历代强国不同，我们没有追求世界霸权。我们的国家创建于反抗压迫的基础之上。我们绝不会占领另一个国家。我们绝不会攫取另一个国家的资源或因为其他国家的人民的信仰与种族与我们不同而把他们作为我们攻击的目标。我们过去和现在所追求的是让我们的子孙后代有一个更美好的未来；我们深信，如果其他民族的子孙后代能够在生活在自由和机会之中，他们的生活将会更加美好。

As a country, we’re not as young--and perhaps not as innocent--as we were when Roosevelt was President.Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.我们作为一个国家已不再像罗斯福总统时代那么年轻——可能也不再那么天真。然而我们依然是为争取自由而战的崇高使命的继承者，我们必须召唤我们所有的力量和道义的呼声应对新时代的各种挑战。

In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms.It derives from our people--from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy;from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home;from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad;and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth.(Applause.)

归根结底，我们的安全和主导作用不单单来自我们的武力，还来自我们的人民——来自将重建我国经济的工人和工商企业；来自将创办新型工业的企业家和研究人员；来自对我们的子女进行教育的教师以及国内为各社区工作的人们提供的服务；来自在国外传播希望的外交人员及和平队志愿者；也来自我国的男女军人，他们体现了世世代代勇于牺牲的精神，使民有、民治、民享的政府在我们这个星球上实现。

This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue--nor should we.But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.如此广泛和多样的公民队伍不可能永远在每一个问题上都取得一致，我们也不应该如此。但我也知道，如果我们让最近一个时期以来毒化我们国家舆论的同样的积怨、嘲讽和党派之争使我们自己处于四分五裂状态，那么我们作为一个国家就无法继续发挥我国的主导作用，也无法驾驭我们这个时代面临的重大挑战。

It’s easy to forget that when this war began, we were united--bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear.I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.(Applause.)I believe with every fiber of my being that we--as Americans--can still come together behind a common purpose.For our values are not simply words written into parchment--they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.人们很容易忘记，当这场战争开始时，我们戮力同心——当时人们对恐怖袭击尚记忆犹新，决心保卫我国国土和我们弥足珍贵的价值观的意志使我们同仇敌忾。我不接受我们无法再次弘扬团结精神的说法。我完全相信，我们——作为美国人——仍然能够为一个共同的目标同心协力。因为我们的价值观不仅仅是书写在羊皮纸上的文字——而且是召唤我们团结一致，带领我们作为一个国家、一国之民接受最猛烈的暴风雨洗礼的一种信念。

America--we are passing through a time of great trial.And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering.We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes.(Applause.)

美利坚——我们正在经历一个严峻考验的时代。我们在这些暴风骤雨中发出的呼声必须明确无误：我们的事业是正义的，我们的决心坚不可摧。我们将怀着正义产生力量的信心前进，同时致力于打造一个更安全的美国、更有保障的世界、一个不代表最深层的恐惧而是憧憬最崇高的希望的未来。

Thank you.God bless you.May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.)Thank you very much.Thank you.(Applause.)

谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

第五篇：经典战争分析

越南战争分析

摘要：越南战争，简称越战，又称第二次印度支那战争，为越南共和国及美国对抗共产主义的越南民主共和国及“越南南方民族解放阵线”（又称越共）的一场战争。越战是二战以后美国参战人数最多、影响最重大而最终却以失败告终的战争。越南人民军和越南南方民族解放阵线最终推翻了越南共和国，统一了越南全国。这场战争给双方所带来的损失和伤痛不计其数。

关键词：越南战争的经过，结果，影响

越南战争（1961年~1973年）其背景是越南在二战前是法国的殖民地，二战中则被日本占领。1945年二战结束前后，胡志明领导的越盟在越南北方的河内建立越南民主共和国（称“北越”）。法国则挟持保大皇帝在南方的西贡立国。双方 进行了长达9年的越南支那战争。1954年，在中国的军事援助下，北越在奠边府战役中以绝对的优势战胜了法军，并且使之退出了越南。日内瓦会议决议，北越由胡志明统治，南越在保大皇帝的控制之下然而。1955年，吴庭艳在西贡发动政变，建立越南共和国。与此同时冷战中的美国总统艾森豪威尔 为避免共产主义进入越南而支持吴庭艳。

1959年，越共中央委员会决定武装统一越南，并派遣大量军事人员前往南越组织武装颠覆。1960年，由越共中央委员会控制的越南南方民族解放阵线成立，同年，中华人民共和国和苏联都积极支持北越对南方进攻。此时，民族解放阵线已经控制了越南南方的大部分乡村，吴庭艳政府民心丧尽，无力阻止民族解放战线扩大势力。1961年5月，肯尼迪派遣一支特种部队进驻南越，被认为是越战开始的标志。东京湾事件不久后美国在越战中的参与程度依旧无可避免的不断攀升。；约翰逊批准了滚雷行动，对北越进行大规模轰炸。但在绑手绑脚的指挥下，几乎无法发挥功效。1968年1月底，北越发动了规模空前的春节攻势。1968年3月31日，约翰逊发表演讲，终止“轰雷行动”，表示美军将逐步撤出越南。1969年，尼克松成为美国总统，表示要推行“越南化”政策，让美军逐步撤出越南。1972年3月，武元甲动员了几乎全部北越军事力量，发动了更大规模的“复活节攻势”。尼克松下令美国B-52战略轰炸机对北越进行全面轰炸。北越的复活节攻势以失败告终，损失超过10万人。多方压力迫使北越回到谈判桌前。1973年1月27日，参加“关于越南问题的巴黎会议”四方（越南、美国、越南南方共和临时革命政府、西贡政权）在巴黎正式签定了《关于在越南结束战争、恢复和平的协定》随后两个月内，美军全部撤出越南。

美军撤出越南，但北越和南越之间的战争并未结束。1975年1月，发起了最后的决定性攻势。短短几个月内，南越政府军土崩瓦解，各大城市相继陷落。四月，北越发动春禄战役和胡志明战役。1975年4月29日至4月30日最初的几个小时，美军直升机撤退行动，一家旅馆楼顶上的直升机撤退也成了美国卷入越战的结束的标志。同日西贡陷落，北越攻陷了美国驻西贡大使馆和南越总统府，南越政权覆灭。1976年1月2日南北越统一，组成新的越南社会主义共和国，西贡被改名胡志明市。

越南战争所造成的损失不计其数，据统计死亡人数北越正规军和被认为是越共游击队的人员：110万人死亡，60万人受伤，33万人失踪。美军：越南战争期间，美军死亡5.8万人，受伤30.4万人，2000多人失踪。南越政府军：死亡13万人，受伤50万人。韩国军队：死亡4500人。澳大利亚军队：死亡500人，2400人受伤。泰国军队：死亡350人。新西兰军队：死亡83人。

对越南而言，为自己的独立付出了巨大的代价。包括法越战争在内的30年战争造成了500万平民的死亡。到1975年越战结束时，战争给越南留下了一片满目苍夷的土地和88万孤儿，100万寡妇，20万残疾人，20万妓女。但这还不是苦难的终结，越南又先后与柬埔寨和与中国陷入战争（中越战争）。长期的战争以及与西方世界的隔绝导致经济崩溃，通货膨胀；1970年代后期，超过150万越南难民乘小船逃离越南。

对于美国，越战是美国历史上持续时间最长的战争。十多年的越战，美国耗费了至少二千五百亿美元。尽管军事上美国并未失败，但它表明美国冷战策略上的重大失误。越战加剧了美国国内的种族问题，民权问题，使国家处于极度的分裂状态，给美国人民造成巨大的精神创伤。越战期间，美国向越南投下了800万吨炸药，远超过第二次世界大战各战场投弹量的总和。美国在越南的军事卷入规模大，时间拖延长，造成了无法估量的心灵创伤。战争期间，美国经济出现大幅度滑坡，美元霸主地位遭到沉重打击，并出现了巨额财政赤字。此外，美国由冷战中的强势一方变为弱势，越战彻底改变了美苏两霸争夺的格局：整个20世纪70年代，美国转为战略守势，而苏联则处于战略攻势地位。中国是北越最主要的支持者和援助者。中国给予了越南超过二百亿人民币的援助，客观上加剧了中国经济的负担。统一后的越南并未成为中国可靠的盟友，出于担心国家利益受到柬埔寨极端政治势力和中国的损害他倒向了苏联。1979年，因为越南入侵柬埔寨，破坏了地区均势，中国出兵越南，导致中越战争。

战争过去多年，但是战争所带来的伤害却依旧没有消失，战场的硝烟已散去，但带给人们的创伤依旧挥之不去。越战中美军向越南的土地上撒下了1900万加仑的落叶剂，这些毒剂不仅使参加战争的人们受到毒害，并使他们后代患上了各种难以治愈的疾病，这里的妇女怀胎后多流产或早产，新生婴儿经常会有这样那样的缺陷。这些毒剂污染了当地的生态环境，至今很多山上寸草不生，而沾染了这些毒剂的成人，多年后逐渐开始进入癌症高发期，这里的人们仍不得不继续咽下战争的苦果。对于美国，则要求越南帮助寻找在越战中失踪的美军士兵遗骸以及对于越南杀害美国俘虏的强烈不满。而作为一种象征姿态，一批美国老兵将会把越战纪念碑洗刷一番，也是对于战争中死去的人们的缅怀。

参考文献

《美国人眼中的越南战争》 艾泽曼

《越南战争的径脸教训、特点反影响》 邓红洲，李玉兰 《难忘越南战争》 David Lamb