肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

第一篇：肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。

关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析

一． 引言

历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰••菲茨杰拉德•肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。

二． 文献回顾

语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。

国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，挖掘诗歌的美学价值。屠克应用语域理论对书信体小说进行了文体分析，他认为在文体特征上的区别与语篇的语境是密切相关的。语境的变化将引起意义的变化，从而导致文体上的变化，也即语言的变化。其研究侧重词和句法层面，并引入语境和语言意义三个部分。

从以上相关理论可以看出，语域理论与语境是密不可分的，只要涉及语境因素的文本或话语，我们都可以尝试运用语域理论对其从各个角度加以分析讨论。

三． 分析方法

约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪，一九六零年当选为美国第35任总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一获得普利策奖的总统。由华盛顿开始了美国一种独具特色的传统，即每届新任总统就职前都要在盛大的典礼前发表就职演说，其场合非常庄严。肯尼迪的就职演说是美国总统演说中的典范，共计1355个单词的演说成为呼吁公民义务和激励型语言的典范，因此作者选取肯尼迪的就职演说作为分析文本。作者将在本部分阐明分析文本的来源并详细介绍所使用的分析方法。3.1 语料的收集和筛选

本文收集的肯尼迪《就职演说》来自《现代大学英语》第六册第七课《Inaugural Address》。《现代大学英语》是北京外国语大学英语系专家们根据当代语言教学的研究成果和多年教学经验，精心编写的供高等院校英语专业本科学生使用的教材。因此语料的来源是真是可靠的。3.2 分析方法

系统功能语言学在二十世纪八十年代中期趋于成熟，语域理论是系统功能语法中重要的理论之一，指的是语言会随着情景的变化而变化。在Reid、马林诺夫斯基、弗斯之后，以韩礼德为代表的系统功能语法学家进一步把语言系统和社会文化联系起来，认为语篇与情景语境之间存在密切关系，因情景语境的变化而引起语言功能变体成为语域。韩礼德在他的《作为社会符号的语言》（Languages as Social Semiotic）一书中把语域看成是“通常和某一情景类型相联系的意义结构。”韩礼德一直把语域看做一个意义概念，是由语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）来支配的。其中，语场指的是语篇所涉及的社会活动，包括发生的事情、进行的社会活动的性质以及话语主题；语旨指参与者的身份以及他们之间的社会角色关系，如售货员与顾客之间等；语式指语言交际的渠道或媒介，包括修辞方式等，如是口头还是书面的亦或是介于两者之间。这三个要素决定着语言意义系统的三个组成部分：概念意义（ideational）、人际意义（interpersonal）和语篇意义（textual）。概念意义通常在句子的及物系统（transitivity）和单词的词汇意义以及各种语言结构等级上的逻辑关系中得到体现；人际意义通常在句子的语气（mode）和情态(modality)系统以及词汇的态度意义和语调系统上得到体现；语篇意义通常在句子的主位结构（thematic structure）、声调群中的信息结构（information）和句子以及比句子更大的单位间的接应（cohesion）上得到体现。语域理论作为语言学研究的一种重要方法被广泛地运用到相关各个领域。本文将从语域理论中语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析肯尼迪就职演说词，发掘演说的语言特征，加深对演说意图的理解，试图验证语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。

四． 就职演说中的语域分析

肯尼迪就职演说发表于第二次世界大战之后，资本主义和社会主义两大阵营正处于冷战阶段。美国作为资本主义世界最强大的国家公然以资本主义阵营的首领自居，展开了与社会主义国家的对抗。在这种历史背景下，肯尼迪在大选中获胜，宣誓就任美国第35任总统，并做就职演说。其情景语境的三个因素如下：（1）语场：肯尼迪在白宫就任美国总统所做的就职演说，解释自己的施政纲领，解释世界各国与其立场的同一性。（2）语旨：说服性，总统用正式的演说的方式试图说服美国民众、世界各国及其民众以获得支持，美国民众、世界各国及其民众选择支持或者反对。（3）语式：口头演说，语言用词正式，语法结构复杂，句子较长，逻辑清楚，修辞运用较多。4.1 语场

从语场角度来看，总统就职演说必然带有很强的政治色彩，这一点在词汇上体现的尤明显，如party, power, state, tyranny, government, administration等都是和政治相关的词语。这是本篇就职演说的突出特点之一。在表明自己的施政纲领时，就职演说中表达态度的词汇和结构也很突出，如：

To those old allies whose culture and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves.等分别表达了演说者希望联合一些“老的友好的邦交国”、善待刚刚独立的国家、救济本国贫困人口等的态度和和语气。4.2 语旨

语旨成分是总统用正式的演说的方式试图说服美国民众、世界各国及其民众以获得支持，美国民众、世界各国及其民众选择支持或反对，总统与听众的社会距离大，这就决定了就职演说中正式词汇与结构出现的高频率，同时也决定了句子类型主要是陈述句和祈使句。因为总统在就职时必须陈述其施政纲领，许下诺言，并要求听众履行自己的义务。因此，在语言上，正式词和大词如solemn oath，prescribe, foe, abolish, heirs, temper等突出；由词类转换引起的正式体结构较多：（1）动词转名词：signifying renewal as well as orange.（2）形容词转名词：the generosity of the state.这些都表现了语篇的正式文体特点。

另外，句子的语气类型主要是陈述句和由let引导的祈使句。根据系统功能语法理论，陈述句主要用以提供信息；疑问句主要用以求取信息；祈使句主要用以交流物品和服务。就职演说过程中并无求取信息之意，句子多属于陈述句，表示本语篇的主要功能是提供信息的。由let引导的祈使句具有“让我们一起做某事”的意义。由于这种要求是针对将来的，所以它实际上是一种愿望（如Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.）和决心（Let the world go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans.）此外，就职演说中句子的主语有些可以用I来担当，但是演说者却主要由we来承担（let祈使句隐含的主语也基本上都是we）,如We dare not forget that we are the heirs of that first revolution.“we”在此指肯尼迪与整个美国公民。主语多为 “we”有两个作用：强调讲话者与听话者双方有共同的利益或义务，达到拉近双方距离的目的；表示说话者提出的目标或任务需要美国人共同来完成。

除此之外，肯尼迪对情态成分的选择可谓颇具匠心：（1）表达高值义务用dare not和cannot而不用should not或ought not to来强调客观因素或敌方的威胁的作用从而把对抗的责任推卸给敌方。（2）must一词表示高值义务，译为“不得不”做某事。如第27段中，must即表示他“愿为上帝尽职尽责”的 “意愿”，又表达了他“把为上帝尽职作为其义务”的“虔诚”。（3）几处表示能力的“can”大都有要求美国公民尽职的含义。例如：And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.(4)表达“意愿”的shall(not),用以表示讲话者许诺和决心；而would则用以表示敌对国家“自愿”成为其敌对国从而把敌对的的责任推给敌方，为自己的“不光彩”行为，即鼓吹壮大军事力量，找到了借口。4.3 语式

从语式方面开看，语篇意义通常在句子的主位结构、声调群中的信息结构和句子以及比句子更大的单位间的接应上得到体现。主位（theme）表示话题，主要由we, let, I和状语成分担当。本语篇主要以we和I做主位说明此语篇主要讲的是we（Americans）和I(Kennedy)的情况。以let为主位说明语篇讲的是“将来要做某事”的许诺和我“希望别人做某事”的要求或愿望。以状语为主位是为了取得某种特殊效果。这种主位称为有标记主位（marked theme）。

此外，文中修辞运用较多。对偶、排比和反复都具有结构基本相同，而意义从某个侧面或某个抽象层上相似的特点。具有相当强的突出效应；从情感上讲，这些结构都具有激发情感的功能。为了煽动听者情绪，全篇遍布排比与对偶结构。以第4段和第6段为例: “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”；“United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do.”另外，还有重要词和词组的反复，如15至18段的开头都是“let both sides„”、用以强调美国和前苏联两大国利益的共同点，表达和平的重要性。此外，隐喻，如“„those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside”；“And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house”具有形象、生动、表达力强的功用，给人印象深刻。

五．结语

综上所述，对肯尼迪《就职演说》中语域的分析，我们可以得出该篇政治性演说词有如下特点：对语场的分析得出语篇中政治和表态度的词汇和结构突出；对语旨的分析表明正式词汇和正式体结构突出，句子的语气类型主要是陈述句和由let引导的祈使句，主语主要由we担当，情态成分使用高值义务的情态动词；对语式的分析发现主位主要由we, I和状语成分担当，对偶、排比和反复结构遍布全篇，适当运用隐喻修辞手法。本篇演说之所以被奉为政治演说词中经典之作，正是由于演说者在措辞、结构、修辞和文体上对语篇进行精心锤炼的结果。本文通过分析肯尼迪就职演说的语域总结出了其语言特点，同时验证了语域理论在演说词分析中的有效性。如韩礼德所说：“语域理论既很简单，又很有效力。它说明我们所说或所写的语言将根据语境的变化而变化。”以后的研究可以从以下两方面进行：加强对语域理论的研究，增强其影响力，为系统功能语言学添砖加瓦；把语域分析运用到跨文化交际、语义学、语用学等更广泛的领域中去。

参考文献：

[1]Halliday, M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar [M].London: Edward Arnold, 1985 [2]Ghadessy, H.Register Analysis Theory & Practice [M].London: N.Y.Printer Publishers, 1993 [3]Ure,J&F.Ellis.Register in Descriptive Linguistics and Linguistic Sociology [M].London: Longman, 1977 [4]胡壮麟、朱永生等，《系统功能语言学概论》[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005 [5]秦秀白.《文体学概论》[M].长沙：湖南教育出版社，1986 [6]张德禄，语域理论简介[J].《现代汉语》，1987（4）.

第二篇：肯尼迪就职演说评析

美国第三十五任总统John Fitzgerald Francis Kennedy(1917-1963)约翰.弗.肯尼迪1961年元月20日在首都华盛顿国会大厦前发表“就职演说”时，我在读初中三年级，学的是俄语。直到1980年，我才在美国出版的“English For Today”“今日英语”教材的第五册里阅读到了这篇演说，而且还听了这篇演说的实况录音。现在这篇演说已被一字未删地选入《Advanced English》“高级英语”（张汉熙主编，商务印书馆出版发行），《21 Century College English》 “二十一世纪大学英语”（复旦大学，交通大学主编;高等教育出版社，复旦大学出版社出版发行）英语教材里作为高等院校的英语学习教材。1980年，那时大学外语教学还是很原始落后的。我想得到英语版的联合国“人权宣言”，但在当时武汉的中南财经学院图书馆里没有。找到武汉大学图书馆，那里才只有一本油印的“人权宣言”小册子。我想得到英文版的“中华人民共和国刑法”这书，武汉的外文书店买不到。我托原北京地院外语老师去北京外国专家局找有关专家打听此书，专家说，《刑法》英文译文由他翻译，正在他手里，由于没有出版，他不能外借。肯尼迪“就职演说”是在演说之后十九年被我们看到。时过境迁，2009年元月20日，全世界几乎所有的人都能从网上及各种媒体上听到，见到，读到美国第一位黑人总统奥巴马的“就职演说”。虽然有的人看到的是被有些媒体屏掉了（Recall that earlier generations faced down Fascism and Communism not just with missiles and tanks but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.我们在此回忆先辈，他们战胜了法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的不仅是导弹，坦克；更是靠坚定的盟友和不移的信念。），（To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent know that you are on the wrong side of history but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.对于那些通过腐败，欺骗，压制异见来统治的人，你们应该知道你们站在了历史的对立面。但是，如果你们愿意放开紧攥的拳头，我们会向你们伸出一只手。）这些文字的演说，但是1961年那时代的人能听到，见到，读到的是完全不能与今天相比的了！

阅读翻译注释

1、Mr.Chief Justice,President Eisenhower,Vice President Nixon,President Truman,Reverend Clergy,Fellow Citizens,we observe today not a victory of party,but a celebration of freedom – symbolizing an end as well as a beginning – signifying renewal,as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe – the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state,but from the hand of God.首席法官先生，艾森豪威尔威尔总统，尼克松副总统，杜鲁门总统，尊敬的神父，同胞们；我们今天庆祝的不是一次政党的胜利而是庆祝自由精神的胜利-这不仅象征结束 –这还象征开始 – 意味着更新 – 也意味着变革。我在你们和全能的上帝面前宣读了将近一百七十年前我们祖先拟定的同一庒严的誓言。现在，这世界已完全不同了。人类把消除各种贫穷及毁灭各种形式的生活的力量握在巨手中。然而，在全球，我们祖先为之奋斗的相同的革命信念仍然在争论之中 – 这信念:人权不是来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝之手。

1：the same solemn oath: I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,and will,to the best of my ability,preserve protest and defend the Constitution of the United States.同一庒严的誓词：我郑重地宣誓我一定满怀信心地履任美国总统职务，尽我所能，维持，保护和防卫美国宪法。

2：林肯：four score and seven years ago,八十七年前；肯尼迪在此借用：nearly a century and three quarters ago接近一百七十五年前

2.． We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place,to friend and foe alike,that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans – born in this century,tempered by war,disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,proud of our ancient heritage – and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.今天，我们不会忘记我们是第一次革命的后代。在此时此地，让我们的朋友和敌人都听到我们的讲话：火炬已传到了新一代美国人手里 – 生在本世纪，受过战争的考炼，经历艰难困苦的和平磨炼，以我们古老的传统而自豪 – 不愿意眼看着，不容忍我们美国一直承诺的,今天在美国及全球仍然在承诺的人权，不断地遭受践踏。

3、Let every nation know,whether it wishes us well or ill,that we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge – and more.让每一个希望我们好还是希望我们不好的国家知道，我们将不惜一切代价，承受一切负担，面对各种困难，支持所有朋友，反对一切敌人，以捍卫和争取自由的胜利。我们保证这些 – 而且不仅如此。

对偶：有意识地把词意相对的词语放在对称的结构中形成对照。结构匀称，整齐，词的意义相反而互相衬托，使语言鲜明，使语义加强。

well or ill place and time

friend foe

united,little we can not do,divided,little we can do.(第四段)

If a free society can not help the many who are poor,it can not save the few who are rich.（第六段）

It was the best of times,it was the worst of times，It was the age of wisdom智慧,it was the age of foolishness愚蠢

It was the epoch of belief信仰，it was the epoch of incredulity怀疑

It was the season of light,it was the season of darkness，It was the spring of hope,it was the winter of despair绝望，We had everything before us,we had nothing before us，We were all going direct to heaven,we were all going direct the other way.狄更斯：《双城记》

Tom gave up the brush with reluctance in his face,but eagerness in his heart.马克。吐温：<光荣的刷墙工>

排比：结构相同，意义并重，语气一致的词组或句子排列成串，形成一个整体。渲染，壮文势，广文义。使文章条理清楚，论点突出。

That we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe，There was a song in every heart;there was cheer in every face and a spring in every step.Mark Twain:

4.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United,there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided,there is little we can do – for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证对挚友的忠诚。团结一致，我们在许多合作事业中将无往不胜。四分五裂，我们将一事无成。-因为，意见分歧，各行其是，我们就不能对付强大的挑战。

5.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free,we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far greater iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom – and to remember that ,in the past,those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对那些我们欢迎他们加入自由行列的新国家，我们保证对现我们的诺言：一种形式的殖民控制的结束，决不能被更为暴虐的专制来代替。我们不总是指望看到他们支持我们的观点,但是，我们总是希望看到他们强烈的支持他们自己的自由 – 请记住，在过去，那些靠骑在虎背上愚蠢地寻找力量的人,必葬身虎腹。

1：One form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far greater iron tyranny.否定的转移：

Man does not live that he may eat but eats that he may live.人活着，不是为了吃；但是,吃，人才活下来。

I do not think you are right.The machine did not stop for lack of oil.2：Those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.There once was a lady from Niger(尼日尓)，Who smiled as she rode on a tiger.They came back from the ride，With the lady inside，And the smile on the face of the tiger.6.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery,we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves,for whatever period is required – not because the Communists may be doing it,not because we seek their votes,but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.对那些遍布在另一半地球上的茅屋荒村里，正在奋力打碎穷困锁链的各民族；我们保证，无认需要多长时间，将尽最大的努力，来帮助他们帮助他们自己 – 不是因为共产党可能做这些，也不是因为我们寻求他们在联合国里的选票，而是这样做是正确的。如果自由社会不能帮助那些众多穷人，那么它就不能拯救少数富人。

7.To our sister republics south of our border,we offer a special pledge – to convert our good words into good deeds,in a new alliance for progress,to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the mater of its own house.对那些我们边界以南的各姐妹邻邦，我们提出特别的保证 – 在为进步而缔结成新的联盟中，把我们良好的诺言转变成有益的行动，支持自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品。让我们所有的邻邦知道，我们将和他们一起反对美洲大陆上任何地方的侵略和颠覆。让所有其他国家知道，西半球的人民决心继续做自己家园的主人。

8.To that world assembly of sovereign states,the United Nations,our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace,we renew our pledge of support – to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective – to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak – and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.对联合国，这个主权国家的世界性议会组织，在战争手段远远超过和平手段这一时代，我们最美好和最后的希望之所在，我们重申我们对联合国支持的保证 – 防止它仅仅变成谩骂的讲坛 – 加强对新生国家和弱小国家的保护 – 扩大联合国的决议得以执行的范围。

9.Finally,to those nations who would make themselves our adversary,we offer not a pledge but a request: that

both sides begin anew the quest for peace,before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对那些一定要使自己成为我们敌手的国家，我们不是做出保证，而是提出要求：我们双方重新开始谋求和平，不要等到被科学释放出的毁灭性的巨大威力因有意或无意的自我毁灭而吞灭全人类。

10.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can

we

be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我们决不用软弱引诱他们，因为只有当我们的武力强大得无可怀疑，我们才能豪不怀疑地确

信这些

武

器

永

远

不

被

使

用。

11.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course

–

both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons,both rightly alarmed by the steady

spread of the deadly atom,yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the

hand of mankind’s final war.但是，两个伟大而强有力的国家集团都不能从我们现在的局势中获得安慰 – 双方超负荷地负

担现代武器的开支，双方理所当然为致命的原子武器不断地扩散而忧心忡忡。然而，双方竟

争着去改变这种遏制人类最后战争不确定的恐怖均势。

12．So let us begin anew – remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness,and

sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to

negotiate.因此，让我们重新开始 – 双方都记住：礼让并不表示软弱，诚意永远需要验证。让我们决不

因为害怕而谈判。但是，让我们决不害怕谈判。

反复（Repetition）:反复使用同一个词，句子或段落，借以加强语气和感情，使文章产生突出 的效果。（罗嗦重复，则是语病）

To those old allies第四段至第九段共重复五次。

So let us begin anew 第十二段至第十六段共享了四次。

We pledge our best effort to help them help themselves.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.英国诗人Thomas Hood的

Work – work – work!

Till the brain begins to swim!

Work – work – work，Till the eyes are heavy and dim(暗淡)。

Seam(缝合)，and gusset(缝三角形布料)and band（镶边，绑扎），Band,and gusset,and seam –

Till over the buttons I fall asleep.And sew them on a dream.描写工作的繁重，单调，枯燥。

13.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of laboring those problems which divide

us.让双方探讨使我们团结的问题，而不要过分花精力于使我们分裂的那些问题。

14.Let both sides,for the first time,formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and

control of arms – and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute

control of all nations.让双方首次为军备捡查及军备控制制定严肃精确的计划 – 把毁灭别的国家的绝对力量置于

所有国家的绝对控制之下。

15.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us

explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and encourage the

arts and commerce.让双方寻求实现科学创造的奇迹，而不是它的恐惧。让我们一起探索星星，征服沙漠，根治

疾病，开发海底资源，发展艺术，促进贸易。

排比：explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and

Encourage the arts and commerce.16．Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah – to “undo the

heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free.”

让双方团结起来，在地球的每一个角落倾听先知以赛亜的号令 – “卸下沉重的负担，让被压

迫者获得自由。

17.And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,let both sides join in

creating a new endeavor , not a new balance of power,but a new world of law,where the strong

are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.如果合作的滩头可以逼退猜疑的丛林，就让双方携手创造一种新的均势，不是一种新的力量

均势，而是一个法治的新世界，在那里，强者公允，弱者安全，和平得到保卫。

18．All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1000 days,nor

in the life of this administration,nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.所有这些不能在本届政府任期内的第一个一百天里，一千天里，整个任期内完成；甚至也许

在这颗星球上,我们的一辈子都不能完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

19.In your hands,my fellow citizens,more than in mine,will rest the final success or failure of our

course.Since this country was founded,each generation of Americans has been summoned to give

testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service

are found around the globe.同胞们，我们事业最终的成败不仅掌握在我手中，更是在你们的手中。自这个国家成立以来，一代代美国人被召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应国家召唤的年青美国人的坟墓遍布全

球。

20.Now the trumpet summons us again – not as a call to bear arms,though arms we need;not as

a call to battle,though embattled we are;but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight

struggle,year in,and year out,“rejoicing in hope,patient in tribulation” – a struggle against the

common enemies of man:tyranny,poverty,disease,and war itself.现在号角又一次在召唤我们 – 不是号召背上武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是号召去战斗，虽

然我们严阵以待；而是号召背上漫长黎明的斗争重任，年复一年，“满怀希望而欢欣鼓舞，磨

难中忍耐”-进行反对人类共同敌人的斗争：暴政，贫穷，疾病及各种战争。

21.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South,East and

West,that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind?Will you join in that historic effort?

我们能建立一个把东西南北连在一起的伟大全球联盟来对付这些敌人，以确保全人类

更为丰硕的生活吗？你们愿意加入到这一具有历史意义的行动中来吗？

22.In the long history of the world,only a few generations have been granted the role of defending

freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility – I welcome it.I do

not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy,the faith,the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all

who serve it – and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在漫长的世界历史里，只有少数的几代人在自由面临极大危险的时刻被赋予保卫自由的角色。

我不推卸这一责任 – 我欢迎它。我认为我们之中的任何人不会与别人或另一代人交换位置。

我们献给这一事业的精力，信心，忠诚将照亮我们的国家和所有为国服务的人 – 这火焰发出 的光芒定能真正地照亮全世界。

23.And so,my fellow Americans,ask not what your country can do for you.Ask what you can do for

your country.因此，我的美国同胞们，不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什麽，而要问你们能为你们的国家

做些什麽。

24.My fellow citizens of the world: Ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can

do for the freedom of man.我的世界各国的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们大家一起能为人类的自

由做些什么。

反复：第二十三，第二十四段使用反复的修词手法。

25.Finally,whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world,ask of us the same high

standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure

reward,with history the final judge of our deeds,let us go forth to lead the land we love,asking

His blessing and His help,but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.最后，无论我的美国同胞还是世界各国的公民们，请用我们要求于你们的力量和牺牲精

神同样的高标准来要求我们。我们唯一确信的报赏是对得起我们的良心（我们问心无愧）,历史是我们行动的最后见证人，让我们领导我们所热爱的国家向前进，请求上帝的保佑和帮

助，但是，要知道在这个星球上，上帝的工作真正的是我们自己的工作。

第三篇：肯尼迪就职演说

Inaugural Address(January 20,1961)By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at issue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学 李品伟 选评

美国总统就职演说词独具一格，而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作，字字句句经过刻意雕琢，有许多值得品味推敲之处。

它讲的是美国人为之骄傲的美国历史传统，讲的是美国的外交政策。

半个世纪以前的国际形势与今天大不相同：势不两立的两大阵营、激烈的军备竞赛、持续的冷战局面。这些在文章中可见端倪。

可是，在肯尼迪的全篇演说中，没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析，更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例，一切都隐晦、委婉、模糊不清，用的只是to friend and foe alike, to those nations who...等，没有经历或不熟悉那一段时期历史的人也许会摸不着头脑。不奇怪，这些在一定程度上代表了西方政治家的风格。

21世纪的今天，全球化(globali-zation)成了全世界所关注的问题，也成了人们天天在重复的一个词语，从形势上与此篇讲演的背景很有可比较之处，但这里我们主要是就此篇讲演中如何沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风，如何精心选用圣经语言句式，讲演稿如何注意音韵效果等问题分别举例讨论而已。因篇幅有限，只选用了前11段，未选全文。inaugural address 指就职演说词。一般来说，演说词在英语里是speech,用address这个词是比较少的。如果要说两者有什么差别的话，无非是风格上及使用场合上的区别。前者是一个普通的词，而address从风格上来说更为庄重，指正式的致辞，除了总统演说词之外，也用于学校毕业典礼上校长的演说词等。

第一段第一个动词observe一般作“观察”解，但这里“观察”一看就说不通，说不通就可以试着通过上下文来推断或查一下词典。如果你的词典里observe有三个释义，那么你就要注意第二或第三个释义了，你的推断如果是“庆祝”，那就对了，此时它的英语等同语应该是celebrate,其宾语可以是这篇文章中的victory,(a celebration of)freedom。其他常见的搭配还有什么呢？有节日（festivals），有生日（birthdays），有周年纪念（anniversaries）等。这几个宾语中的birthday因为太普通了，可能用得少些。用得多的应该是anniversaries，因为它较之其他两个更为庄重。

从选词风格的角度来说，我们会注意到文章一开始有某些不太常用的词，如：forebears, prescribes等，可以说forbears这个词在中、小型词典中往往是查不到的，你必须查较大的词典。它的意思是祖先、祖宗，也就是我们一般熟悉的ancestor。两者用法上有所不同，那就是ancestor的单数很常见，而forebear则总是以复数形式forebears出现，从风格上，更具古风。Collins Co Build的Essential English Dictionary关于这个字的旁注是：N count（可数名词）/ usu.plural（一般复数）/ Formal（正式）；而ancestor的旁注则没有后面两点，由此可见两者的细微差别。

prescribe这个动词你不一定见得多，如见到，也多半是它的名词形式prescription（处方）。prescription是常用词，而动词prescribe则较常用于正式场合。关于这个动词同一词典有这样的第2条释义：If someone prescribes an action or duty, they state formally that it must be carried out.它所指的动作与开医药处方是两回事，意思不是别的而是“命令”，必须执行。

第二段以一个短句开始，与第一段的长句正好相反。唱歌读诗有节奏，句子与句子、段与段的关联也有节奏，如果一篇文章自始至终是缓慢而沉重的长句，读起来就沉重、缺乏起伏。所以第二段的一个短句不单起着承上启下的作用，而且还有速度上适当调节的作用，赋予了段落一种节奏感。

另外在用词方面，你会注意到这里又一次出现了forebears，而且还有一个在层次和风格上可与之称兄道弟的mortal hands与它做伴，在一般情况下我们见到的也许会是...holds in his hands the power to...，这里却多了mortal这一个大家不一定熟悉的词。mortal属非常用词，词义可以是：不能不死的，不共戴天的，性命攸关的。在这里应作“凡人的”，“人类的”解。回过头来想一下：非要这个词吗？没有它不行吗？当然是人的手，又会是谁的手呢？解答这个问题可以从两方面来说，一是这是自古以来常用的搭配，无须刨根问底，二是在这里有了mortal这个词，节奏鲜明，读起来感觉更好些，...holds in his mortal hands首先有头韵[h]，接着有2uldz, m0:tl, h*ndz，其中包含的元音（包括一般作为短元音的*）都有一定长度，它们所含浊辅音及旁流音构成的辅音连缀结尾赋予句子浓厚的韵味效果。

讲演除了论点清楚，有说服力外，还要考虑如何在公众场合中取得预期的最佳效果及如何调动人们的情绪，此外还需要掌握很多的技巧。它是一种学问，这种学问西方政治家们都要钻研，他们往往把它作为一个课程来学习。如果你看过西方政治家的传记一定已经注意到了这个问题。这实际上是一个始于希腊罗马时期的西方传统。对于“疯狂英语”的倡导人李扬人们多有评论，但有一点是应该肯定的，那就是革“哑巴英语”的命，初学者应如此，达到一定程度后，仍然应该如此。讲到这里，我们再来默默读一下本篇第4段，这里包含的几组头韵与尾韵，使句子富有一种鲜明的节奏感、音乐感，如：pay any price, bear any burden, wishes us well or ill, oppose any foe（第４段）这类现象你可以在文章中找到很多，多朗读一遍就会多发现一个，在此不一一举例。当然除了头韵、尾韵还有许多其他隐而不现的手段。以下我们抽出几个以let开头的句子作简略的讨论。所选的句子是：

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch...to which we are committed today at home and around the world.（第3段）Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill,...the success of liberty.(第4段)在这样一个严肃的讲演中，也许有人会对出现let somebody do something这样的结构感到不可思议，因为他们以为let somebody do something只是一个口语中的表达法，如Let me do it.Let's sing the song together.但他们不一定能意识到所提到的let结构有时表达的意思、语气正好与口语中的截然相反，它们含有的是一种号召、命令的口吻。上面所选的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是：让每个国家都知道，„„； 从现在起，从这个地方开始，让这个信息传递到我们的朋友，也传递到我们的敌人那里„„。再考虑一下，这样的口气是否太婉转了一些而与文章的格调不相称呢？

为解答这一问题，我们不妨一起看一下当代美国惯用法词典A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage(Evans)的有关讲解：let is also used to form a peculiar imperative（祈使句）that includes the speaker along with the person addressed, as in Let us be true to each other.这个句子有一种号召的口吻，us也指我们以外的某人或某些人。请再看《圣经》中“创世纪”第1章3，4，15段： 3.And God said, let there be light;and there was light.（上帝说要有光，就有了光。）4.And God saw the light, that it was good;and God divided the light from the darkness.（上帝看光是好的，就把明暗分开了。）

15.And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so.（上帝说，天上要有光体，并要发光在天空、普照在大地上，事就这样成了。）

最后，你一定也已经注意到此文中有不少运用了排比与对偶手段的句子。

如第6段中的United, there is little we cannot...Divided, there is little we can do,...第8段中的...not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes，but because it is right.及第3段中的 Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.这里that宾语从句内所含的修饰语中有连续出现的过去分词短语：born in..., tempered by..., disciplined by..., 也有连续出现的以形容词开始的短语proud of..., unwilling to...，也有to which this nation..., and to which we are committed today at home and around the world这样的定语从句。

第4段中...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe...也是类似情况的排比。

当然这些排比有时铿锵有力，但不当则会显得累赘、不自然，所以一定要注意恰当运用这种修辞手段。

→如果您认为本词条还有待完善，请 编辑词条 词条内容仅供参考，如果您需要解决具体问题

第四篇：肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 196

1Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for proGREss--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two GREat and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens...and to let the oppressed go free.”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong

are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need;not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.中文译文：

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注

定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。

对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。

对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。

至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。

最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。

我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。

可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。

因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏

惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。

让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。

让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担„„(并)让被压迫者得自由。”

如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。

同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。

现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的；不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战；那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，“在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐”；这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。

我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?

在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。

所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。

第五篇：肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说(John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Address)

约翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后读了哈佛大学和斯坦福大学，1940年毕业。第二次世界大战中肯尼迪加入美国海军，在对日作战中负伤。战后，肯尼迪29岁即当选为议员，后三次连任。他在1953 年9月12 日与杰奎琳·布维尔结婚，生有二子一女。

1960年肯尼迪参加总统竞选。他提出“新边疆”的竞选口号，倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地。1961年，肯尼迪在选民投票过程中以极小的差距赢得总统的位置，击败了共和党人尼克松，成为美国历史上最年轻的总统，也是第一个罗马天主教总统。

在肯尼迪的就职演说中说道：“不要问你的国家能为你做什么？而要问你能为你的国家做什么。”作为总统，他开始履行他的竞选承诺再次使美国运转起来。他上台后并非一切如愿。任职开始就遇到了美国入侵古巴惨败的事实。他为了寻得平等的权利采取有力措施，要求新公民权利立法。他给予民族文化的质量和艺术在一起至关重要的社会中心角色。他希望美国恢复老的任务作为致力于人权的革命的最早的民族。由于发展和和平小组的联盟，他对发展中国家的帮助为美国人带来理想主义。1963年，正当肯尼迪踌躇满志要进一步干一番事业的时候，他遇刺身亡。

我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么。

my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah--to “undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free.”?

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor--not a new balance of power, but a new world of law--where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days;nor in the life of this Administration;nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope;patient in tribulation,”?a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you;ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.