富兰克林13条道德表和曾国藩12条

第一篇：富兰克林13条道德表和曾国藩12条

★富兰克林13条道德表★

一【节制】食不过饱；饮不过量。

Temperance: Eat not to dullness;drink not to elevation.二【静默】言则于人于己有益，不作无益闲聊。

Silence: Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself;avoid trifling conversation.三【条理】各样东西放在一定地方；做事情有一定时间限制。

Order: Let all your things have their places;let each part of your business have its time.四【决断】决定做应该要做的事；决定后坚持到底。

Resolution: Resolve to perform what you ought;perform without fail what you resolve.五【俭朴】花钱须于人于己有益，不糟蹋浪费。

Frugality: Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself;i.e.waste nothing.六【勤劳】爱惜时间；时刻做有益之事事；不做不必要的行动。

Industry: Lose no time;be always employ'd in something useful;cut off all unnecessary actions.七【诚恳】不欺骗人；思想纯洁公正；说话要出于诚意。

Sincerity: Use no hurtful deceit;think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly.八【正直】不做于人有害的事；做好自己责任内的事。

Justice: Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty.九【中庸】不走极端；对人少怀怨恨之心；容忍别人对我应有的惩罚。

Moderation: Avoid extreams;forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve.十【整洁】身体、衣服和住所务必清洁。

Cleanliness: Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.十一【宁静】不因琐事或普通而不可避免的事件而烦恼。

Tranquility: Be not distuibed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable.十二【贞洁】节欲，不伤害身体，不许损他人的安宁或名誉。

Chastity: Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation.十三【谦虚】效法耶稣和苏格拉底。)Humility: Imitate Jesus and Socrates.曾国藩 “日课十二条”

一、主敬：整齐严肃，无时不惧。无事时心在腔子里，应事时专一不杂。清明在躬，如日之升。

持神敬肃：衣冠外貌保持整齐，心思神情端正严肃，时时刻刻都要警惕、检查自己是否出现了闲杂或不良的念头。平日闲居无事时，要宁静安泰，不要想身体以外的事情，一旦投入工作中，就必须做到专心致志，不存杂念。自己要保持清澈明朗的精神状态，才能保持旺盛的生机，就像早晨的太阳一样。

二、静坐：每日不拘何时，静坐四刻，体念来复之仁心，正位凝命，如鼎之镇。静坐养性：每天不限任何时间，必须静坐一小时以上，体验圣人所教诲的仁心，使思虑不出本位，以使性命凝结，就像宝鼎一样镇定而不可动摇。

三、早起：黎明即起，醒后勿粘恋。

起床要早。天色刚亮就赶紧起身，醒了以后一定不要有留恋安逸甚至淫邪的念头。

四、读书不二：一书未点完，不看他书。东翻西阅，徒务外为人，每日以十页为率。读书要专一：一本书还没有读完，一定不去看其它的书籍。东翻西阅地随意读书，对自己的道德学问没有一点益处，不过就是一个只求知识而没有道德的人。每天必须圈点十页。

五、读史：丙申年购《二十三史》，大人曰：“尔借钱买书，吾不惮极力为尔弥缝，尔能圈点一遍，则不负我矣。”嗣后每日圈点十页，间断不孝。

攻读史书：我在丙申年购置了一套《二十三史》，家父对我训诫道：“你为了买书而向别人借钱，我不惜一切地替你赔补还账，你若是能够仔仔细细地圈点阅读一便，才算不辜负我的一番苦心啊。”从此以后，我每天都仔细读上十页，如果稍有间断，就是对父母不孝。

六、谨言：刻刻留心，第一功夫。

说话谨慎：对此要时时刻刻细心留意，这是为人处世的第一等功夫。

七、养气：气藏丹田，无不可对人言之事。

培养自己的真气：能够做到内外统一、光明正大之行，没有奸诈计谋、行险侥幸之念，任何所作所想都能够说得出口，只有这样，才能将真气存蓄于丹田之中。

八、保身：十二月奉大人手谕：“节劳，节欲，节饮食。”时时当作养病。

保持身体健康。十二月接到的家父手书上说：“（要）节制操劳，节制欲望，节制饮食。”所以，时时刻刻都像养病时一样地保养自己的身体。

九、日知所亡：每日读书记录心得语，有求深意是徇人。

每天都能知道所未知的：每天读书，都要将心得体会记录下来，不要刻意地从书中谋求深意，否则，就是曲从于他人。

十、月无亡所能：每月做诗文数首，以验积理之多寡，养气之盛否。不可一味耽著，最易溺心丧志。

每月都能有机会复习已经学过的知识和本领：每个月必须做诗歌或短文数首，用来检验所学理论是多还是少，所培养真气是否充盛。不可以一味地懒惰迟延，这样最容易使自己的远大志向丧失殆尽。

十一、作字：早饭后做字半时。凡笔墨应酬，当作自己课程。凡事不待明日，愈积愈难清。

习练书法：早饭后必须练习书法一小时。而且，所有文字方面的应酬，都可以作为练习书法的机会。凡是今天的事情，一定不许留待明天去做，事情越积越多，就会越难以清理。

十二、夜不出门：旷功疲神，切戒切戒！

夜晚不出家门：出门应酬玩乐，会使人荒废修养功夫，会使精气耗损、神情疲惫。所以，这种不良习气必须彻底戒除！

第二篇：富兰克林与曾国藩美文

本杰明·富兰克林(1706—1790)的脸，圆圆的，胖胖的，像个美味的肉丸子，很富喜感。他一辈子做了这么多的事情，又都是那么的富有成效，真是让人羡慕。据百度百科介绍，他是资本主义精神最完美的代表，18 世纪美国最伟大的科学家和发明家，著名的政治家、外交家、哲学家、文学家和航海家以及美国独立战争的伟大领袖。所以，即使他板起脸，给青年人一些训诫，其实也无非是修身养性那一套，我们也非常乐于接受。“节制——食不过饱，饭不过量。沉默——不说于人于己无益的话;不和人谈无聊的废话。

秩序——东西放在一定的地方;做事要有一定的时候，不可乱来。俭朴——不是于人或是于己有益的事，不要花钱。勤劳——爱惜光阴，要时时刻刻做有益的事，不做不必要的行动。整洁——起居生活，身体服饰，务求整齐清洁。宁静——不为琐碎小事，不为寻常普通或不可避免的意外不幸事，扰乱到心绪不宁。”年轻时我曾把它们抄在笔记本上，作为指导生活的金科玉律。

喜欢给人看相的曾国藩(1811—1872)，不知如何看待自己的面貌。我觉得这是一张暮气沉沉的脸，威严有余，生动不足;甚至颇有几分像是画家凡·高笔下的加歇医生，是一张肝肠寸断的脸，几乎没有任何人和任何事，可以有效地安慰它。总而言之是不讨喜。所以，对他修身养性那一套，我年轻时看也不看。但最近我忽然感怀起周作人、海德格尔这些人的“落水”经历，联想到胡哲敷所说，“五百年来，能把学问在事业上表现出来的，只有两人:一为明朝的王守仁，一则清朝的曾国藩”，就不免觉出，曾国藩很了不起。再看曾国藩修身的“功课”，又觉得很对的，如“夜不出门——旷功疲神，切戒切戒”，人的堕落，也许真的是从夜生活的腐化开始的;有觉得不近人情的，如“早起——黎明即起，醒后勿沾恋”，对自己这么残忍的人实在太可怕，可见“曾剃头”也不是一日炼成的;有觉得不一定对的，如“读书不二——一书未完，不看他书”，马克思就以同时看好几本书为乐趣。不过所谓的修身，归结起来无非是两个字:节制。都没什么太高明的。但是，在那个人人只想混日子的社会，曾国藩如此自砺，实在是太有使命感了。

检讨自己对富兰克林和曾国藩的“接受史”，我承认有“远来的和尚好念经”的成分，但更关键的，是我对富兰克林所生活的环境更向往。只要认真、努力，就会有收获。虽然辛苦，但很快乐。整个社会环境是宽松的，欢快的。而曾国藩一辈子，却是战战兢兢、如履薄冰，头上那把剑随时可能会掉下来，即使是“官至极品”，又有什么意思呢?富兰克林是美国梦的缔造者，我希望中国梦的缔造者，是一些比曾国藩更开心、更爽朗的人。

第三篇：富兰克林的《美德分类表》

富兰克林的《美德分类表》

著名的科学家富兰克林为了培养自己节制、恬淡、守秩序、果断、俭约、勤勉、真诚、公平、稳健、整洁、宁静、坚贞、谦虚的美德，特为自己制定了一张《美德分类表》，并且每星期预备一本册子，把这十三种美德记录在册，随后画出七行空格。每到晚上，都要做一番自省，如果日间犯了某一过失，就在相应的空格子里记上一个黑点。过了一个星期，再换一本册子。他希望通过常年累月的自我反省，能够消灭这些代表缺点的黑点。

（用于“慎独”和“内省”的教学）

第四篇：富兰克林演讲稿

Second Inaugural Address(1937)We Will Carry On!持久进步之路

Franklin D.Roosevelt富兰克林-罗斯福（1882---1945）

32nd President of the United States(1933---1945)Political Party : Democratic When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President ,the Republic ,single-minded in anxiety ,stood in spirit here.we dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision-to speed the time when there would be the pursuit of happiness.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it;to end by action ,tireless and unafraid , the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need-the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their soluation without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For , without that aid ,we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.We of Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable ,to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as , after centuries of fatalistic suffering , we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth;we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War;they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and the blessings of liberty to the American people.Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the objectives.Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities , government within the separate States , and government of the United States can do the things the times require , within yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase , so power to govern them also must increase-power to stop evil;power to do good.The essential democracy of stop our Nation and safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power , but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.In fact , in these last four years , we have made the exercise of all power more democratic;for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public’s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the processes

of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.Our progress out of the depression is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned;untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals;we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of properity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal;and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.In this process evil things formerly accepted willnoy be so easily condoned.Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.For these reasons I am justified that the greastest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.Among men of good will ,science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to impeove our economic order , we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead ？Shall we call this the promised land ？Or ,shall we continue on our way ？For “Each age is a dream that is dying , or one that is coming to birth.”

Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says , “Tarry a while.” Opportunism says , “This is a good spot.”Timidity asks , “How difficult is the road ahead ?”

True ,we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the good of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progress.To hold to progress today , however , is more difficult.Dulled conscience , irresponsibility , and ruthless self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster!Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.Let us ask again : Have we reach the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933 ? Have we found our happy valley ? I see a great nation , upon a great continent , blessed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves;they are making their county a good neighbour among the nations.I see a U nited States which can demonstrate that , under democratic methods of government , national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown , and the lowest standard of living

can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.But here is the challenge to our democracy : In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens---a substantial part of its whole population---who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.I see millions denied education , recreation , and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.I see one-third of a nation ill-clad , ill-housed , ill-nourished.It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope---because the Nation , seeing and understanding the injustice in it , proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country’s interest and concern;and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders we add more to the abundance of those who have much;it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation , we will not listen to Comfort , Opportunism , and Timidity.We will carry on.Overwhelmingly , we of the Republic are men and women of good will;men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication;men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.If I know aught of the will of our people , they wil demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and , therefore , strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation , we all go up , or else we all go down , as one people.To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods , a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals , and aid in their realizatioin.In talking again the oath of office as President of the United States , I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.While this dutty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do theit will , seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.

第五篇：富兰克林名人名言

富兰克林名人名言

1、我不让工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全统驭工作，而不做工作的奴隶。人大凡具有完全统驭工作的信心，精神就必然振奋。——富兰克林（美国）

2、一个人失败的最大原因，是对自己的能力缺乏充分的信心，甚至以为自己必将失败无疑。——富兰克林

3、你热爱生命吗?那么别浪费时间，因为时间构成生命的`材料。——富兰克林

4、择友宜慎，弃之更宜慎。富兰克林

5、兄弟可能不是朋友，但朋友常常如兄弟。——富兰克林

6、闲暇就是为了做一些有益事情的时间。——富兰克林

7、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

8、没有任何动物比蚂蚁更勤奋，然而它却最沉默寡言——富兰克林

9、懒鬼起来吧！别再浪费生命，将来地坟墓内有足够的时间让你睡的。————（美国）富兰克林

10、失足，你可能马上复站立，失信，你也许永难挽回——富兰克林

11、七十一懒惰象生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体经常用的钥匙，总是亮闪闪的。——富兰克林

12、我不让工作追求，而是去追求工作，常常努力于完全统御工作，而不做工作的奴隶。人如果能具有完全统御工作的信心，精神就必然振奋。——富兰克林

13、你热爱生命吗?那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

14、失足，你可以马上恢复站立;失信，你也许永难挽回。——(美)富兰克林

15、闲暇是为了做出某种有益的事而有的时间。——富兰克林（美国）

16、我们从别人的发明中享受了很大的利益，我们也应该乐于有机会以我们的任何一种发明为别人服务；而这种事我们应该自愿的和慷慨地去。——富兰克林

17、命运的变化犹如月之圆缺，对智者毫无妨害。——富兰克林

18、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是构成生命的材料。——富兰克林

19、一个人失败的最大原因，就是对于自己的能力永远不敢充分的信任甚至自己认为必将失败无疑。——富兰克林

20、今天乃是我们惟一可以生存时间。我们不要庸人自扰-或为未来的漫无目的而苦闷，或为昨天的过去而伤怀-而使它成了我们身体上和精神上的地狱。——富兰克林（美国）

21、懒惰像生锈一样，比操劳更能消耗身体经常用的钥匙，总是亮闪闪的。——富兰克林

22、你热爱生命吗？那幺别浪费时间，由于时间是组成生命的材料。——富兰克林

23、早眠早起，使人健康富有明智。——富兰克林

24、诚实和勤勉应该成为你永久的伴侣。——富兰克林

25、读书是易事，思索是难事，但两者缺一，便全无用处。——（美国）富兰克林

26、你热爱生命吗？那么别挥霍时刻，由于时刻是构成生命的原料。——富兰克林

27、对于所受的伤害，宽恕比复仇更高尚，鄙视比雪耻更有气度。——富兰克林

28、成功与失败的分水岭，可以用这五个字来表达我没有时间。（美国）富兰克林

29、忽视当前一刹那的人，等于虚掷了他所有的一切。——富兰克林

30、读书使人充实，思考使人深邃，交谈使人清醒。——富兰克林

31、你热爱生命吗？那么别浪费时间，因为时间是组成生命的材料——富兰克林

32、失足，你可能马上复站立，失信，你也许永难挽回。——富兰克林

33、我们常听说由水变成酒是个奇迹。这个由上帝恩典造成的奇迹每日都发生天堂将下雨水到葡萄园，由树根进入葡萄，变成酒。这是上帝爱我们，并乐见我们快乐的明证。——富兰克林

34、浪费时刻是所有支出中最奢侈及最昂贵的。——富兰克林