温铁军北大演讲

第一篇：温铁军北大演讲

温铁军北大演讲：另列改良学者的“梦”

12月10日晚，被誉为“中国农民的代言人”的温铁军教授在北大理科楼作了题为“新农村建设”的演讲，距演讲开始还有半小时，报告厅内已座无虚席。此次演讲由北京大学研究生干部学校和北大乡土中国学会共同主办，也是北京大学研究生干部学校“卓越论坛”的第一讲。

因长期从事“三农”问题研究，温铁军被人称为“温三农”。温铁军教授一直坚持用“脚”做学问，在对农村大量的实地调查中建立了对“三农”问题的独特见解。温铁军教授现为中国“三农”问题权威专家，政府特殊津贴专家，中国体改研究会副秘书长。现任《中国改革》、《改革内参》杂志社社长兼总编，中国人民大学农业与农村发展研究院院长，曾被评选为CCTV 2003年度十大经济人物之一。

讲座一开始，温铁军教授就强调，多年来自己一直靠调查研究来提出感性认识，可能穷一生精力也无法建立理论框架，他希望能通过提供大量的第一手材料，为青年人在此领域的发展铺路。他还强调，此行北大是来向北大学子提出一些值得思考的问题，但他无法对所有问题提出完美的答案。

温铁军教授首先发问：为什么上个世纪八十年代没有“三农”问题，而九十年代以来“三农”成为问题，而且愈演愈烈？温教授从农业三要素（即土地、劳动力和资金）的角度分析了这个问题。他指出，八十年代是一个典型的黄金增长期，由于农业三要素在农村内部转化为工业资产并用于农村的工业建设，连续4－5年农村人口的收入增长率高于城市人口，农民手中可支配的现金流增加拉动了市场需求，推动了中国经济的发展。而进入九十年代之后，农业三要素大量流出农村，造成农业经济的衰败和农民收入的下降。以土地资源为例，我国近十多年的经济高增长与土地的大量流失成正比，而流失土地的增值收益没有落入农民的口袋里。温教授认为，“三农”问题不是微观问题，而是宏观问题；不是农业问题，而是农业之外的问题。

温教授再问：如何才能找到“真问题”？对“三农”问题的讨论存在着泛意识形态化的趋向，拘泥于现有的话语框架是无法发现“真问题”的，要在一定程度上超越现有的意识形态才能发现真问题、解决真问题。在“三农”问题的讨论中存在着一种“都是制度惹得祸”的观点，温教授认为这是推却个人责任的看法，事实上“并非都是制度惹得祸”。他以发展现代农业中的美国模式为例，认为美国模式并不能算成功，也并不适宜中国的改革。美国约有17万个农场，每个农场都百顷以上，机械化程度很高，可是美国政府依然对农业实行高补贴政策，而对中国2亿4千万农户进行财政补贴是不可想象的。另一方面，在WTO谈判过程中，发展中国家要求取消农业关税壁垒，而美国却坚持农业的关税壁垒和非关税壁垒。他还以北朝鲜和巴西的农业发展为例，说明了不符合国情的过早的农业现代化会给国家带来灾难。

两问之后，温教授开始进入主题——新农村建设。他从如何看待“新农村建设”谈起，认为这是对以往政策失误的一种调整。针对“要想解决三农问题，就得消灭农民”的观点，温教授指出：城乡二元结构的矛盾还将长期存在，以资源的高消耗为代价的城市化并不符合中国的国情。我国现有的城市人口已经居世界首位，在资源日益紧缺的情况下我国无法支撑过半的人口成为城市人口。以北京市为例，北京的水资源稀缺，现在是依靠100％的超采地下水（达到40％即为超采）来满足城市水供给，北京的城市人口严重过载，20年之后北京城将面临更为严峻的水荒。另一方面，“新农村建设”对宏观经济发展意义重大。建设“新农村”并不是基于慈善的目的，而是基于上个世纪八十年代的经验，通过增强农民的现金支付能力来拉动内需。国家加大对农村的投入可以提高农民收入，而农民收入的增加可以推动中小企业的发展，从而拉动地方经济，地方经济的发展又能为农民提供更多就业机会；国家加大对农村的投入可以推动有规模的中心村发展为城镇，城镇的发展也能改善农民问题。

接着，温教授从财政和金融角度分析认为我国已初步具备建设新农村的条件。他从户籍制度谈起，认为“三农”问题“并非都是户口惹得祸”。温教授指出八十年代我国税收占GDP的份额逐年减少，财政收入低造成了没有条件进行公共投入。而近年来我国的税收增长率高于GDP的增长率，税收所占比例攀升到20％，这时国家初步具备了支农的能力。从我国金融状况来看，8万亿元的银行存差和8千亿美元的外汇储备证明我国金融资本相对充裕。

但建设新农村也遇到了很多困难。以2003年为例，这一年中央政府要求地方政府加大对农村的财政投入，就在这一年大规模的“圈地”运动爆发，3千万亩的土地被吃掉；就在这一年，审计出了14.6万件违法占用土地案件，而我国的地方政府一共才4万余家。建设新农村是一种改革，而改革意味着对既有利益结构的调整，但在过去20年资源转化为资本过程中形成的既得利益结构是很难调整的。不是农民不需要改革，也不是中央无意愿，但改革意味着艰难的过程。另外，由于“大包干”剥掉了脏水也倒了孩子，现有的2亿多农户过于分散，也使得改革的交易成本过高。此外，温教授还提醒对于农村选举中暴露出来的问题要具体的分析，“前选举问题”（比如，农民选举之前的积怨借选举爆发）和“后选举问题”（如，农村的财政混乱并非完全是道德问题，由现代的上层建筑带给小农经济基础之上的村支部的压力不可小视）也应引起重视，不要“泛政治化处理”。

最后，温教授介绍了为建设新农村他现在所做的工作，这些是他作为“另类改良学者的梦”，有些正在实现，有些冀望与将来。温教授在帮助农民建立真正意义上的合作社，它是建立在内部诚信和民主机制上的农民经济组织，谈到建设合作社的经验他说，一是文化建设收效最高，二是联合购买，风险最小，三是要实现资金互助。温教授在推动农村的社会组织建设，建立妇女协会、老年协会等，他强调社会组织的发育是非常有效的，它使农民回归群体。而且，在对农民全面免税之后，乡镇政府组织将弱化，这时家族势力和宗教势力很容易趁虚而入，健康的社会组织的建立能够安定农村社会。温教授在致力于生态农业的建设：推广无农药化肥的有机农业；建造建材可回收的农宅、生态厕所、办公室等；建立养殖、沼气、厕所、渔业、果蔬一体的生态循环系统，构建农村生态建设模型。温教授希望建立城乡的良性互动，这是他还未实现的“梦”。他的基本设计是，在城市建设文明消费者合作社，入社条件：承诺善待农民，不随意压价；禁止不文明消费，禁止大吃大喝等野蛮消费；交纳1000元成为会员（农民加入合作社的入会费是100元）。农民合作社可以为城市合作社提供安全的食品，城市合作社可以支付合理的价格，在城乡二元结构中建立起和谐良性的互动。

在热烈的掌声中，温教授深情的说“我的很多梦正在实现，我希望和大家良性互动，共同实现梦想。”

之后，温教授回答了学生的提问，演讲持续到晚9点20。活动结束之后，许多学生围住温教授，展开了热烈的讨论，温教授晚10点离开北大。

第二篇：温铁军著作总结

中国的问题：人口膨胀而资源短缺的农民国家追求工业化的发展问。

基本命题：1.人地关系高度紧张的基本国情矛盾制约下的土地制度变迁

2.城乡二元结构的基本体制矛盾下的农业剩余分配制度

对我国历史发展的基本判断：五个阶段论根本不适合中国，不存在奴隶社会，中国独具的亚细亚形态，应进行独立的分析。

一元论天然的具有排他性，故在讨论中国问题时，应当避免一元论思维。

经济基础决定上层建筑，而上层建筑反作用于经济基础时必产生制度成本，其成本一般由下层基础承担。

不同的原始积累方式形成的不同制度，并导致此后改革的路径依赖。

认识：

1.土地不能简单私有化

极少的而且仍然正在持续减少的耕地，在目前没有能力对9亿农民进行社保的情况下，充当了基本社会保障功能，不能简单私有化靠提高规模来参加国际竞争。

2.中美农业就没有可比性

耕地面积、人口、社会保障制度、农业人口、农业补贴、市场化程度

3.对中国改革的各个领域进行分析，包含:税收制度、金融制度、组织历史、土地制度、户籍制度、国家补贴、城镇化中的企业发展

4.对于全盘西方化的批判

乡镇企业的分散对抗西经（西方经济理论）中的集中规模效应；土地目前的多功能性对抗西经中土地私有化以后的产权明析获得土地增值收益；建立城乡不同金融结构对抗西经统一金融结构；中央的民主集中制度（私有权确立后难以进行大规模的建设，反例印度、巴西）对抗西经多党轮流执政（现状下的制度成本、大国的混乱）；平均地权（中国历代王朝兴亡借鉴）对抗西经中的土地规模经营即适度集中；不能走欧美对外扩张之路，只能走内部完善的道路；现代制度交易费用过高，寻找更好的制度构建对抗西经中的现代欧美完美社会制度。

5.对国际形势的把握

进入国际金融资本扩张阶段；军事扩张成为局部问题

解决三农问题的思路：

1.放开仍然有赢利空间被利益集团垄断的各个领域，允许农民进入，包括农村金融、保险、销售、储蓄、生产资料供应等。

2.免除农业税

3.对乡级政府进行改革，乡政府变为乡公所

4.支农资金作为股权投入到农民专业合作组织中去。

5.国家垄断土地收益定向用于无地农民的保障中去。

第三篇：温铁军：三农问题与国计民生

温铁军：三农问题与国计民生

主讲人简介：温铁军，中国研究“三农”问题的权威专家，中国体改研究会副秘书长，《中国改革》、《改革内参》杂志社社长兼总编，政府特殊津贴专家，被评为中央电视台2003十大经济人物之一。长期从事三农问题研究，一直坚持用“脚”做学问，被著名经济学家吴敬琏誉为“中国农民的代言人”。研究

成果受到中央高层领导和国外学者的高度关注。

“如果关注自己脚下的热土，应该知道这块土地上正在发生什么事情。”90年代中国经济快速发展，但问题却越来越严重。为什么现代不只是强调农业问题，而是三农问题？为什么八十年代没有三农问题？为什么90年代简化为农业问题时出现那么多的矛盾？

解构现代化

在农村基层，越是现代化，越是现代法制，农民负担就越重。为什么80年代农村发展得还不错，90年代却不行了呢？因为80年代没有那么多的法律，90年代规定太多，没法执行了。中国小农经济是传统的经济基础，而搬来一个现代的上层建筑，到底是经济基础决定上层建筑，还是反过来？一般而言，违背规律要受惩罚，而惩罚往往不是由照搬的人负责，变成由基层群众承受。大家习惯说基层乡村干部是土豪劣绅，但打他们能解决问题吗？根本问题在哪里？小农经济是养不起现代化的上层建筑的。

“农民那儿是有真理的”

中国农村经济是“粮猪型小农”，种一点粮食，养几口猪。为什么这样呢？因为需要分散风险。农业的生产周期与市场价格波动周期不同步。一般来说，市场上如果粮价高了，肉价就下降；肉价高了，粮价可能下降。所以农民种粮养猪，粮价高卖粮，肉价高卖肉。与熊德明（温家宝帮忙讨回工资的重庆农妇）聊天时，温铁军问到她为什么不去找法院、劳动局等有关机构，她说“要不得”；回答“那怎么办？”时，她朴实地讲“多养两口猪”。因为中国小农经济机制与西方不同，照搬西方理论作为中国依据时，就会出现问题。中国农业的传统是稻作农业，中国今天的文明是由典型的集体性文化基因延续出来的，这与西方典型的个体化文化基因不同。农民那儿，其实是有真理的。

“天地良心，贫民窟里不是你”

制约三农问题的两个基本矛盾是人地关系高度紧张的基本国情矛盾和城乡二元结构的基本体制矛盾。中国有十几亿人口，人口过剩，劳动力也过剩。发达国家劳动力人口总和也就4亿多，我国劳动力就有7亿多。在学习国外经验时，“下眼皮发肿——光往上看”是不行的，只注意学习发达国家的经验，不重视发展中国家是不适当的。很多学者说，城市化进程不可避免，出现贫民窟就应放任它。每当这时，温铁军都会在心里说上一句：“天地良心，贫民窟里不是你！”中国这个国家从根本上就与西方不同，而现代理论基本来源于另一个文明系列，中国还不能立足于我们自己的发展历程形成有解释力的理论，还缺乏很多基础性的工作。现代西方可能很先进，但也不应妄自菲薄。而且文明未必一定冲突，是可以交融的。比如“股份合作制”，有人说它“非驴非马”，但骡子更有劲！

新乡村建设

“我这个80年代开始搞改革的人，到新世纪说改不起了，我改良了。”对一个有9亿农民的农业大国来说，城市化解决不了“三农”问题，现实的办法是进行新乡村建设，帮助农民了解合作和互助的具体办法，把农村过剩的劳动力组织起来，用于改变家庭和村社的面貌。三农问题是难于照搬国外理论、概念来解决的。“我们这一代犯了太多错误，太多浪漫主义，80年代犯了太多经济浪漫主义错误，法学家不要再犯法学浪漫主义错误了！后半生我就做两件事，一件事是搞新乡村建设，另一件是多去亚非拉，搞比较研究。”温铁军这个另类的知识分子，已经做好了长期处于非主流的准备。

第四篇：北大演讲

克林顿在北京大学的英文演讲稿

PRESIDENT CLINTON:

Thank you.Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei.We are delighted to be here today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with which Beijing University has a relationship.We have six members of the United States Congress;the Secretary of State;Secretary of Commerce;the Secretary of Agriculture;the Chairman of our Council of Economic Advisors;Senator Sasser, our Ambassador;the National Security Advisor and my Chief of Staff, among others.I say that to illustrate the importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.I would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university.Gongxi, Beida.(Applause.)As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to Yenching University which was founded by American missionaries.Many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an American architect.Thousands of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.We feel a special kinship with you.I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.In June of 1919, the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds.At the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.They were all out leading the May 4th Movement for China's political and cultural renewal.When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here.And I thank you for being here, very much.(Applause.)Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students.Your graduates are spread throughout China and around the world.You have built the largest university library in all of Asia.Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors.And in this anniversary year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site.At the dawn of a new century, this university is leading China into the future.I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between China and the United States.The American people deeply admire China for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology.We remember well our strong partnership in World War II.Now we see China at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the world.Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations--enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development.You have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale.Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa, Europe, and Latin America.Your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside China, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school.As a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty.Per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade.Most Chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.Of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment.Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise.Now you must compete in a job market.Once a Chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world.For those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.In the short-term, good, hardworking people--some, at least will find themselves unemployed.And, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years--from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment.Everything I know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the Chinese people and everything I have heard these last few days in my discussions with President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.As you build a new China, America wants to build a new relationship with you.We want China to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.I know there are those in China and the United States who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing.But everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.At the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.The distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking.Where once an American clipper ship took months to cross from China to the United States.Today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors.From laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together.Ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.But we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them--the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation.No nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone.We, especially the younger generations of China and the United States, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.In the 21st century--your century--China and the United States will face the challenge of security in Asia.On the Korean Peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future free of nuclear weapons.On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a new arms race.We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear,chemical, and biological weapons.In the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small.Increasingly, China and the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs.Around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government.America knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods.With borders on more than a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting.Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of Washington.In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense.China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe--the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national.For example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming.If the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.We must work together.We Americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment.We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.Building on the work that our Vice President, Al Gore, has done previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are working together on ways to bring American clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at the same time.But I will say this again--this is not on my remarks--your generation must do more about this.This is a huge challenge for you, for the American people and for the future of the world.And it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty.The evidence is clear that does not have to happen.You will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way.But you and the university, communities in China, the United States and throughout the world will have to lead the way.(Applause.)In the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge of an international financial system that has no respect for national borders.When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects are no longer local;they are global.The vibrant growth of your own economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and growth in the Asia Pacific region.China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the region and the world in this latest financial crisis--helping to prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations.We must continue to work together to counter this threat to the global financial system and to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this region.In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors, engineers into a shared quest for progress.Already the breakthroughs we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation--in challenges from dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and earthquakes--have proved what we can do together to change the lives of millions of people in China and the United States and around the world.Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one of our greatest gifts to the future.In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart.That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partnership in the new century.If that is to happen, it is very important that we understand each other better, that we understand both our common interest and our shared aspirations and our honest differences.I believe the kind of open, direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press conference--which I know many of you watched on television--can both clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing people to understand and debate and discuss these things can give a greater sense of confidence to our people that we can make a better future.From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington, D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates the skyline.It is a very tall obelisk.But very near this large monument there is a small stone which contains these words: The United States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a hereditary system.State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion.This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient times to the present.How wonderful it is.Those words were not written by an American.They were written by XuJiyu, governor of Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our nation in 1853.I am very grateful for that gift from China.It goes to the heart of who we are as a people--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to worship without interference from the state.These are the ideals that were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago.These are the ideas that led us across our continent and onto the world stage.These are the ideals that Americans cherish today.As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals.The people who framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve perfection.They said that the mission of America would always be “to form a more perfect union”--in other words, that we would never be perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.The darkest moments in our history have come when we abandoned the effort to do better, when we denied freedom to our people because of their race or their religion, because there were new immigrants or because they held unpopular opinions.The best moments in our history have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on old parchment.Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are convinced that certain rights are universal--not American rights or European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights--the right to be treated with dignity;the right to express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that “all eyes are opening to the rights of man.” I believe that in this time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.Over the past two decades, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial systems in the Former Soviet Union, throughout Central Europe;ending a vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America;giving more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard-won independence.And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth and productivity.Economic security also can be an essential element of freedom.It is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.In China, you have made extraordinary strides in nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be a source of strength to your people.Incomes are up, poverty is down;people do have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel--the ability to make a better life.But true freedom includes more than economic freedom.In America, we believe it is a concept which is indivisible.Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many manifestations in China.I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy growing in the villages of your heartland.I have visited a village that chose its own leaders in free elections.I have also seen the cell phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas, information and images from all over the world.I've heard people speak their minds and I have joined people in prayer in the faith of my own choosing.In all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50 years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at this university, said these words: “Now some people say to me you must sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free.But I reply, the struggle for individual freedom is the struggle for the nation's freedom.The struggle for your own character is the struggle for the nation's character.”

We Americans believe Hu Shi was right.We believe and our experience demonstrates that freedom strengthens stability and helps nations to change.One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, “Our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.” Now, if that is true, there are many days in the United States when the President has more friends than anyone else in America.(Laughter.)But it is so.In the world we live in, this global information age, constant improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to national strength.Therefore, the freest possible flow of information, ideas, and opinions, and a greater respect for divergent political and religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going forward.It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and the world's, that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their potential.That is the message of our time and the mandate of the new century and the new millennium.I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate.For all the grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead.Against great odds in the 20th century China has not only survived, it is moving forward dramatically.Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change.China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow.Now, you must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must be at the heart of China's regeneration.The new century is upon us.All our sights are turned toward the future.Now your country has known more millennia than the United States has known centuries.Today, however, China is as young as any nation on Earth.This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of the tomorrows to come.It can be a time when the world again looks to China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.It can be a time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.The United States wants to work with you to make that time a reality.Thank you very much.(Applause.)

第五篇：《面对面》：温铁军 新乡村实验—观后感

看视频思考的问题：

1.什么是三农问题？

2.温铁军是个怎么样的人？

3.温铁军做的有意义吗？

4.生态农业取得成效前，土地将出现三年低产。那么，这样的损失谁又能够承受？温铁军的试验是否还有推广的值？

5.农民能致富吗？

6.如何解决“三农”问题？

《面对面》：温铁军 新乡村实验—观后感

“三农”问题，中国经济绕不开的坎。而我在没有看到这个视频时，我对“三农”的认识只局限于它所包含的内容。但是看到“温铁军的新乡村实验”时，我获益匪浅。同时，我对“三农“问题有自己的看法。

温铁军：经济管理学博士，中国经济体制改革研究会副秘书长，现为人民大学农业与农村发展学院院长，2003年在河北省定州市翟城村进行乡村建设试验。他认为 “三农”问题不是“农业、农村、农民”，而是应该将顺序调换过来，即“农民、农村、农业”问题。“农民在‘三农’问题中是第一位的”，农业问题只是派生的。他创办了专门为农民服务的乡村建设学院，给农民带来了知识。为了推广无化学污染的有机农业，种植出完全不含农药残留的绿色植物，温铁军要求，试验田里不施化肥，不打农药。可是，三年下来，试验田里农作物的长势却远远不如与学院只有一墙之隔的普通农田。按照温铁军的试验，土地脱毒和恢复地力需要三年的时间，也就是说，在生态农业取得成效前，土地将出现三年低产。而如果试验在全国范围内推广，就意味着全国的田地都将出现三年低产，那么，这样的损失谁又能够承受？温铁军的回答则是政府，农民想要靠一亩三分地是不肯能致

富的，只有国家采取优惠的政策才能帮助农民。对于温铁军的实验让我想到国家现在面临的一个严重的问题就是越来越严重的贫富差距。

新中国成立以来，在党和政府的领导下，我国取得了举世瞩目的成就。然而随着的经济的快速的发展，我国也出现了严重的贫富差距。收入分配和我国人口是产生贫富差距的主要原因。就我国目前的状况来看，农村是主要的贫困区。政府鼓励一部分人先富裕起来，然后带动其他人后富裕起来，最终实现共同富裕。这种政策在改革开放初级起到了巨大的作用，然而这一政策并没有完全落实，从而拉大了贫富差距。我国是人口大国，而主要的人口是在农村。虽然政府采取了优惠的政策，并且实行了九年免费义务教育。也许在新疆这个地广的地方，是可以的。然而，例如河南这些平原地区，每个家庭也只有一亩三分地。对于这些政策，是无法满足广大农民的需求。于是造成了农田荒废，农民成了农民工的现象，使得我国的农产品的产量下降。我想这也是我国粮食产量得不到提高的主要原因。年轻的农民外出打工，村里只剩下老人和孩子，于是出现了老人照顾孩子，孩子照顾老人的情景。孩子从小得不到父母的照顾，老人由于年迈，对于教育孩子往往是心有余力不足，我想这也是我国文化水平普遍偏低的原因。没有很好的文化知识，又形成了一届农民工，如此循环问题会越来越严重。同时，就业也成了主要的问题。

温铁军的实验，我认为是能实行的。在三年低产时期，政府

如果能投入大量的资金，我想实现新农村不是不可能的。在去年过年，我回到河南老家，家乡正在搞新农村建设，我想这也是受温铁军实验的影响吧！但是只是在住房的方面有所改变，却没有从农业和农民的生活上改变。最让我感到很是恐怖的一件事，就是农村孩子们的相亲。当我在当场看到这种事情时，我为他们感到伤心，同时庆幸我坚持学习！未成年孩子辍学出外打工的很多，而坚持上学的却很少。河南人口多，竞争压力大，他们认为浪费父母的心血钱，也是他们不上学的一个原因。只要不上学就要相亲，过两年就要结婚，这种事情对我们这些有文化的人也许很惊讶，但是对他们来说很平常。假报年龄结婚，四十岁不到的人就已经是爷爷了，中国的人口多就出现在这里。在我看来政府应该采取强硬的手段制止这种现象的发生，必须每个中国国民都要接受接受九年义务教育，同时加大计划生育的实行。

收入应重新分配，当然控制人口也是当务之急。解决了“三农”问题，贫富差距就会随着减小或消失。政府应大力支持温铁军的实验，在全国推广，并解决农民的后顾之忧。全面建设小康社会，重点在农村，难点在农村，希望也在农村。“三农”问题不解决好，国家的粮食安全就没有保证。只有加快农业和农村经济发展，增加农民的收入，解决农民的生活问题，农村社会稳定才能有坚实的基础，国家的长治久安也才能有可靠地保障。解决“三农”问题刻不容缓。