威尔逊关于宣战对国会的演讲(中英文)

第一篇：威尔逊关于宣战对国会的演讲(中英文)

伍德罗·威尔逊 关于宣战对国会的演讲

（1917年4月2日）

……今年1月3日我正式通知你们，德意志帝国政府爲表了异乎寻常的通告，宣称从1月1日起它的宗旨是把法律的限制或仁慈的考虑统统抛置一边，用它的潜艇去击沉任何驶近英国和爱尔兰港口的船只，或驶近欧洲西海岸或地中海内德国的敌人所控制的任何港口的船只。这似乎是德国潜艇战在大战之初的目标。但从去年4月起，德意志帝国对其潜艇指挥官们多少有所限制，以实践当时它对我们许下的诺言即不击沉客轮，对其它它的潜艇可能摧毁的船只，只要不作抵抗、留在原地，便会向它们预先发出警告，而且让它们的船员至少有机会在不设防的船上逃生。在残酷无情的战争中，一桩桩令人悲痛的事件证明，德方的克制是很不够的，而且带有任意性，但确实有一定程度的节制。而新政策把任何限制都取消了。任何种类的船只，不论它挂什麽旗，具有什麽性质，载什麽货，驶向何处，完成什麽使命，全都被击沉，不给预先警告，也全然不顾船上人员的死活；友好中立国的船只与敌国的船只同样对待。甚至连医护船以及向比利时死伤惨重的人民运送救济物资的船只──后者被德国政府允许安全通过禁海而且带有明确无误的标记──同样也被丧失同情心和原则性的德军击沉。

有一度我无法相信，这种行径竟然真是一个一贯赞同文明世界人道惯例的政府的所作所爲。国际法起源于人类试图制订的某种的海洋上得到尊重和遵守的法律，该法律规定，任何国家无权统治海洋，世界各国的船只都可以在海上自由航行。……德国政府以报复和必需爲借口，已将这起码的法律规定一脚踢开，因爲德国在海上除了毫不顾忌人道，蔑视对国际交往的共识，穷兵黩武之外，干不了什麽别的事。我现在想到的不是德国在海上造成的财産损失，尽管损失惨重，而是对大批平民生命肆无忌惮的屠杀，而这些男人、妇女和儿童所追求的目标向来──甚至在现代历史最黑暗的时期──被认爲是无辜和合法的。财産可以赔偿，而和平无辜人民的生命则无法赔偿。目前德国对付海上贸易的潜艇战其实是以人类爲敌。

这是针对所有国家的战争。美国船只被击沉，美国公民葬身海底，消息传来令人震惊。但其它中立或友好国家的船只和人员在海上遭到相同的厄运，没有什麽差别。这是对整个人类的挑战。每个国家必须独自决定它应如何对付这一挑战。我们必须适应我国的特点和宗旨审时度势，谨慎考虑，以作出我们自己的决定。我们绝对不应感情用事。我们的动机既非爲复仇也不是爲了耀武扬威，而仅仅是爲维护权利，维护人权，在这场斗争中我们国家仅仅是一名斗士……

我深刻认识到我正采取的步骤的严重乃至悲剧的性质，以及它所包含的重大责任，但是我对履行自己由宪法规定的义务毫不迟疑。正是以这样的态度我建议国会宣布，德意志帝国最近的行动事实上已是对美国政府和人民发动了战争；美国正式接受已强加于它的交战国地位；美国将立即行动，不仅使国家处于完全的防御状态，而且将竭尽全力，使用一切手段迫使德国政府屈服，结束战争。……

当我们采取行动，这些重大行动的时候，我们自己应当清楚，也应让全世界明白我们的动机和目的是什麽。……我们的目的……是维护国际生活的和平与正义的原则，反对自私和专制的力量，我们要在世界上真正自由和自治的各国人民之中确立一种意志与行动的概念，有了它就能保证这些原则得到遵循。当问题涉及世界和平，涉及世界各国人民的自由时，当组织起来的势力支持某些专制政府按自己的意志而非人民的意志独断专行，从而对世界人民的和平与自由构成威胁时，中立便不再是可行或可取的了。我们看到，在这种情况下中立已成爲历史。我们处在一个新时代的开端，在这个时代中人们坚决要求，凡文明国家每个公民遵循的关于行爲和承担罪责的准则，各个国家和它们的政府也必须同样遵循。

我们与德国人民之间不存龃龉。对他们，我们除了同情和友谊没有别的情感。他们的政府投入战争并不是因爲人民的推动，他们事先一无所知，并未表示赞同。决定打这场战争与过去不幸的岁月中决定打一场战争的方式相同。旧时统治者从不征求人民的意见，战争的挑起和发动全都是爲着王朝的利益或是爲野心勃勃的人组成的小集团的利益，这些人惯于利用同胞作爲走卒和工具。……

我们接受这一敌意的挑战，因爲我们知道与这样一个采用这种手段的政府是绝对不可做朋友的；只要它组织起来的力量埋伏着准备实现不可告人的目的，世界上一切民主政府便无法得到安全保障。我们接受的将是一场与这个自由的天敌展开的宏大战役，如有必要，将动用我国的全部力量去制止和粉碎敌人的意图和势力。我们感到欣慰，因爲敌人撕去僞善的面纱，使我们看清了真相，这样我们将爲世界最终和平，爲世界各国人民包括德国人民的解放而战：爲大大小小各国的权利和世界各地人们选择自己的生活与服从权威的方式的特权而战。世界应该让民主享有安全。世界和平应建立在政治自由历经考验的基础上。我们没有什麽私利可图。我们不想要征服，不想要统治。我们不爲自己索取赔偿，对我们将慷慨作出的牺牲不求物质补偿。我们只不过是爲人类权利而战的斗士之一。当各国的信念和自由能确保人类权利不可侵犯之时，我们将心满意足。

在我们面前很可能有旷日持久的战火考验和惨重牺牲。把我们伟大、爱好和平的人民领入战争是件可怕的事。因爲这场战争是有史以来最血腥最残酷的，甚至文明自身似已岌岌可危。然而权利比和平更宝贵。我们将爲自己一向最珍惜的东西而战──爲了民主，爲人民服从权威以求在自己的政府中拥有发言权，爲弱小国家的权利和自由，爲自由的各国人民和谐一致共同享有权利以给所有国家带来和平与安全，使世界本身最终获得自由。爲完成这样一个任务，我们可以献出我们的生命财産，献出我们自己以及我们所有的一切；我们满怀自豪，因爲我们知道，这样的一天已经到来：美国有幸得以用她的鲜血和力量捍卫那些原则，正是它们给予她生命和快乐，给予她一向珍视的和平。上帝保佑她，她别无选择。

Wilson's War Message to Congress 2 April, 1917

On 3 February 1917, President Wilson addressed Congress to announce that diplomatic relations with Germany were severed.In a Special Session of Congress held on 2 April 1917, President Wilson delivered this 'War Message.' Four days later, Congress overwhelmingly passed the War Resolution which brought the United States into the Great War.Gentlemen of the Congress:

I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.On the 3d of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the 1st day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean.That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats.The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed The new policy has swept every restriction aside.Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents.Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe-conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle.I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations.International law had its origin in the at tempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world.By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meagre enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded.This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world.I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate.Property can be paid for;the lives of peaceful and innocent people can not be.The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.It is a war against all nations.American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way.There has been no discrimination.The challenge is to all mankind.Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it.The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation.We must put excited feeling away.Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last, I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence.But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable.Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea.It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavour to destroy them before they have shown their own intention.They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all.The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend.The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be.Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best;in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual;it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent;it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents.There is one choice we can not make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated.The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs;they cut to the very roots of human life.With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States;that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.What this will involve is clear.It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs.It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible.It will involve the immediate full equipment of the Navy in all respects but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy's submarines.It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least 500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training.It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation....While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are.My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the 22d of January last;the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of February and on the 26th of February.Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles.Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people.We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances.We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.We have no quarrel with the German people.We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship.It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering this war.It was not with their previous knowledge or approval.It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools.Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbour states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest.Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions.Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class.They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs.A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations.No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.It must be a league of honour, a partnership of opinion.Intrigue would eat its vitals away;the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart.Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honour steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life.The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose;and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naive majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace.Here is a fit partner for a league of honour.One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without our industries and our commerce.Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began;and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States.Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us(who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing.But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience.That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted [Zimmermann] note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government, following such methods, we can never have a friend;and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic governments of the world.We are now about to accept gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power.We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience.The world must be made safe for democracy.Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty.We have no selfish ends to serve.We desire no conquest, no dominion.We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make.We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind.We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for.I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honour.The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary;but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna.We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights.It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck.We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us--however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship--exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible.We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy, who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbours and to the Government in the hour of test.They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance.They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose.If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression;but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few.It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you.There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us.It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance.But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts--for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured.God helping her, she can do no other.

第二篇：2015英国女王开启英国国会大典演讲中英文

2015英国女王开启英国国会大典演讲

My Lords and members of the House of Commons。各位上下议院的议员们

My government will legislate in the interests of everyone in our country.It will adopt a one nation approach, helping working people get on, supporting aspiration, giving new opportunities to the most disadvantaged and bringing different parts of our country together。

政府将立法保障全体英国人民的权益。政策将惠及全国，让劳动者有稳定的工作，支持创业，给弱势群体提供新的就业机会，把全英国紧紧团结在一起。

My government will continue with its long-term plan to provide economic stability and security at every stage of life.They will continue the work of bringing the public finances under control and reducing the deficit, so Britain lives within its means.Measures will be introduced to raise the productive potential of the economy and increase living standards。

政府将继续保持经济的长期稳定与社会的长治久安。继续把控公共财政、减少赤字，使人民能量入为出。同时政府将采取措施提高经济增长率以及人民生活水平。

Legislation will be brought forward to help achieve full employment and provide more people with the security of a job.New duties will require my ministers to report annually on job creation and apprenticeships.Measures will also be introduced to reduce regulation on small businesses so they can create jobs。

政府将立法帮助实现充分就业以及为更多人提供安全的工作环境。部长们也要求对创造就业机会及学徒机会做报告。同时也将出台措施来减少对小型企业的限制，从而创造更多就业机会。

Legislation will be brought forward to ensure people working 30 hours a week on the National Minimum Wage do not pay income tax, and to ensure there are no rises in Income Tax rates, Value Added Tax or National Insurance for the next 5 years。

政府将立法以确保每周工作30个小时的低收入者不用交个人所得税，并确保个人所得税率、增值税及国民保险在5年内不会提高。

Measures will be brought forward to help working people by greatly increasing the provision of free childcare。

政府将采取措施，为劳动人民提供更多的免费儿童保育服务。

Legislation will be introduced to support home ownership and give housing association tenants the chance to own their own home。

政府将立法支持购房，给住房协会住户提供拥有自己的住宅的机会。

Measures will be introduced to increase energy security and to control immigration.My government will bring forward legislation to reform trade unions and to protect essential public services against strikes。政府将采取措施，提高能源安全性以及控制移民数量。政府将立法对工会进行改革及保障罢工下基本公共服务的正常运作。

To give new opportunities to the most disadvantaged, my government will expand the Troubled Families programme and continue to reform welfare, with legislation encouraging employment by capping benefits and requiring young people to earn or learn。

为了给弱势群体提供新的就业机会，政府将扩大“困难家庭计划”的覆盖面，并继续进行福利改革，通过立法设置福利上限，鼓励年轻人学习、工作，从而促进就业。

Legislation will be brought forward to improve schools and give every child the best start in life, with new powers to take over failing and coasting schools and create more academies。政府将立法提升学校综合实力，让每一个孩子的人生都能有一个最灿烂的开始。劣等学校领导换班，打造更多优质高校。

In England, my government will secure the future of the National Health Service by implementing the National Health Service’s own 5 year plan, by increasing the health budget, integrating healthcare and social care, and ensuring the National Health Service works on a 7 day basis.Measures will be introduced to improve access to general practitioners and to mental healthcare。

政府将在英格兰通过实施“国民医疗服务制度五年计划”，增加卫生预算，整合医疗保健和社会保障，并确保国民医疗服务制度每天有效运行，从而确保国民医疗服务制度在未来得以延续。政府将采取措施，改善民众求医渠道。

Measures will also be brought forward to secure the real value of the basic State Pension, so that more people live in dignity and security in retirement.Measures will be brought forward to increase the rights of victims of crime。政府将采取措施，确保民众享有基本国家养老金，让更多的退休人员能有得体及安全的住所。政府将采取措施，维护犯罪受害者的权益。

To bring different parts of our country together, my government will work to bring about a balanced economic recovery.Legislation will be introduced to provide for the devolution of powers to cities with elected metro mayors, helping to build a northern powerhouse。为了将全英国紧紧团结在一起，政府将努力实现经济的同步复苏。政府将立法将权力下放给民选市长，帮助打造一个北方的生力军。

My government will continue to legislate for high-speed rail links between the different parts of the country。

政府将继续加强国家间高速铁路的建设。

My government will also bring forward legislation to secure a strong and lasting constitutional settlement, devolving wide-ranging powers to Scotland and Wales.Legislation will be taken forward giving effect to the Stormont House Agreement in Northern Ireland。

政府也将立法，保证宪法的效力与持久性，将权力下放到苏格兰和威尔士。政府将立法施行北爱尔兰的斯托蒙特众议院协议。

My government will continue to work in cooperation with the devolved administrations on the basis of mutual respect。

政府将继续在相互尊重的基础上与权力下放政府进行合作。

My government will bring forward changes to the standing orders of the House of Commons.These changes will create fairer procedures to ensure that decisions affecting England, or England and Wales, can be taken only with the consent of the majority of Members of Parliament representing constituencies in those parts of our United Kingdom。政府将变更下议院议事程序。这些改变将创造更公平的程序，以确保涉及英格兰或威尔士的决议，只有在大多数代表各选区的国会议员同意的情况下才能予以执行。

My government will renegotiate the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European Union and pursue reform of the European Union for the benefit of all member states。

政府将重新协商英国与欧盟的关系，并为所有会员国的利益寻求欧盟的改革。

Alongside this, early legislation will be introduced to provide for an in-out referendum on membership of the European Union before the end of 2017.此外，在2017年年底前，政府将会对欧盟成员国的全民公投进行立法。

Measures will also be brought forward to promote social cohesion and protect people by tackling extremism.New legislation will modernise the law on communications data, improve the law on policing and criminal justice, and ban the new generation of psychoactive drugs。政府将采取措施提升社会凝聚力，通过打击极端主义来保护人民安全。新的立法将通过通信数据使法律更加现代化，提升治安法及刑法公正性，并禁止新一代精神药物。

My government will bring forward proposals for a British Bill of Rights。政府将针对权利法案提出新的议案。

Members of the House of Commons。下议院议员们。

Estimates for the public services will be laid before you。你们还将面临许多有关公共服务的问题

My Lords and members of the House of Commons 各位上下议院的议员们

My government will continue to play a leading role in global affairs, using its presence all over the world to re-engage with and tackle the major international security, economic and humanitarian challenges。

政府将继续在全球事务中发挥主导作用，并凭英国在世界上的影响力重新参与并解决重大国际安全、经济和人道主义问题。

My ministers will remain at the forefront of the NATO alliance and of international efforts to degrade and ultimately defeat terrorism in the Middle East。

政府官员将继续与北约合作，走在打击并最终战胜中东恐怖主义的最前线。

The United Kingdom will continue to seek a political settlement in Syria, and will offer further support to the Iraqi government’s programme for political reform and national reconciliation。英国将继续寻求从政治上解决叙利亚问题的办法，并会进一步支持伊拉克的政治改革和民族和解。

My government will maintain pressure on Russia to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine, and will insist on the full implementation of the Minsk agreements。政府将对俄罗斯政府继续施压，英国尊重乌克兰的领土完整和主权，并将坚持全面实施明斯克协议。

My government looks forward to an enhanced partnership with India and China。我国政府期待与中国和印度之间伙伴关系的进一步深化。

Prince Philip and I look forward to our state visit to Germany next month and to our state visit to Malta in November, alongside the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting.We also look forward to welcoming His Excellency the President of The People’s Republic of China and Madame Peng on a state visit in October。

我和菲利普亲王期待着下月对德国进行的国事访问，以及在十一月对马耳进行的国事访问，同时也期待着英联邦政府首脑会议的召开。我们同样期待着今年10月中国国家主席习近平及夫人对我国进行的国事访问。

My government will seek effective global collaboration to sustain economic recovery and to combat climate change, including at the climate change conference in Paris later this year。

我国政府寻求积极有效的全球合作，以维持经济复苏，应对气候变化，包括参加今年年底在巴黎举办的气候变化会议。

My government will undertake a full strategic defence and security review, and do whatever is necessary to ensure that our courageous armed forces can keep Britain safe。我国政府将进行全面的战略防御和安全审查，并采取一切必要措施，确保我们勇敢的军队可以保持英国的安全。

My government will work to reduce the threat from nuclear weapons, cyber-attacks and terrorism。

政府将致力于削减核武器，网络攻击和恐怖主义的威胁。

Other measures will be laid before you。

同时，各位还将面临许多来自各方面的挑战。

My Lords and members of the House of Commons 各位上下议院的议员们 I pray that the blessing of almighty God may rest upon your counsels。愿全能的上帝听见你们的祷告。

WHUT

第三篇：罗斯福对日宣战演讲

要求国会对日本宣战

富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：

昨天，1941年12月7日，将成为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海、空军有预谋的突然袭击

在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。

日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛。开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份复函虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动

夏威夷岛距日本的距离说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山与火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。

昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。

昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。

作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。

我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。

无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。

大敌当前，我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可稍有懈怠。我们相信我们的军队、我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

[当时的美国总统罗斯福(Franklin Delano Roosevelt)，在发生突袭后第二日，在国会发表对日宣战的著名演说--珍珠港演说(Pearl Harbor Speech)。美国人在日本偷袭珍珠港前，对应否加入二次大战存在分歧，偷袭事件激起民愤，结果全国团结起来，支持参战。德国和意大利亦于3日后，对美国宣战。]

第四篇：名人演讲：国会大厦告别演讲

道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美国陆军五星上将。出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。

提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》著名演讲。

我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。我从军是在本世纪开始之前，而这是我童年的希望与梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来，这个世界已经过多次变化，而我的希望与梦想早已消逝，但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词，极为自豪地宣示“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”。

I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

就像这首歌中的老兵，一位想尽一已之责的老兵，而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任，而我现在结束了军旅生涯，而逐渐凋谢。

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.演讲全文：MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress

Mr.president, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride--humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me;pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think of no greater expression of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support--not imperious direction--the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.The pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore--with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore--and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.Under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression.The holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof;for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity;and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them--as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the president's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders;a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China;two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast;three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria;four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

“Men since the beginning of time have

sought peace.Various methods through the

ages have been attempted to devise an

international process to prevent or settle

disputes between nations.From the very

start workable methods were found in so

far as individual citizens were concerned,but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

larger international scope have never

been successful.Military alliances,balances of power, Leagues of Nations,all in turn failed, leaving the only path to

be by way of the crucible of war.The

utter destructiveness of war now blocks

out this alternative.We have had our last

chance.If we will not devise some

greater and more equitable system,Armageddon will be at our door.The

problem basically is theological and

involves a spiritual recrudescence and

improvement of human character that will

synchronize with our almost matchless

advances in science, art, literature, and all

material and cultural developments of

the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit

if we are to save the flesh.”

But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.“Why,” my soldiers asked of me, “surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?” I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China;others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: “Don't scuttle the pacific!”

I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that “old soldiers never die;they just fade away.”

And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.

第五篇：丘吉尔在国会的演讲

Winston Churchill 丘吉尔

“At four o’clock this morning, Hitler attacked and invaded Russia.All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed with scrupulous technique.A non-aggression treaty had been solemnly signed and was in force between the two countries.No complaint had been made by Germany of its non-fulfillment.Under its cloak of false confidence, the German armies drew up in immense strength along a line which stretched from the White Sea to the Black Sea.And their air fleets and armoured divisions, slowly and methodically.took up their stations.Then suddenly, without declaration of war, without even an ultimatum, the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities.The German troops violated the Russian frontiers.And an hour later, the German ambassador, who ’til the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship-almost of alliance-upon the Russians, called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed between Germany and Russia.Thus was repeated, on a far larger scale, the same kind of outrage against every form of signed compact and international faith which we had witnessed in Norway, in Denmark, in Holland, in Belgium.And which Hitler’s accomplice and jackal Mussolini, so faithfully imitated in the case of Greece.All this was no surprise to me.In fact, I gave clear and precise warnings to Stalin of Stalin of what was coming.I gave him warnings, as I have given warnings to others before.I can only hope that these warnings did not fall unheeded.All we know at present is that the Russian people are defending their native soil, and that their leaders have called upon them to resist to the utmost.”

…………….The Russian danger is therefore our danger and the danger of the United States.Just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free people in every quarter of the globe.Let us learn the lessons already taught by such cruel experience.Let us re-double our exertion and strike with united strength while life and power remain.”

注释：

formalities：形式，手段，伎俩

perfidy：背信弃义，背叛

scrupulous：严格认真的in force

有效，在有效期中。cloak：斗篷；伪装

methodically：有条理地

ultimatum：最后通牒

violated：侵犯

ambassador：大使

lavish：慷慨地给予

alliance：联盟，同盟

accomplice：同谋，帮凶 jackal：走狗，爪牙

unheeded：被忽视的utmost：最远的，极度的，最大的 hearth and home 家园

exertion：尽力，努力

中文对照：

今天凌晨4时，希特勒已进攻并侵入俄国。他所有形式的狡诈与不忠都被极其审慎地记录下来。德俄曾签署了互不侵犯条约，并互相遵守着。德国在不履行条约之前也没有过任何抱怨。在虚伪的诺言掩护下，德国纠集大量兵力，布置在从波罗地海到黑海的战线上。他们的大机群、装甲师也缓慢而又有序地进入阵地。然后，突然间，没有宣战，甚至没有最后通牒，德国的炸弹突然在俄国城市的上空雨点般地落下，德国军队已侵犯到俄国边境。一小时后，德国大使拜见俄国外交部长，称两国已处于战争状态。而正是这位大使，昨夜还在大放厥词地向俄国人保证友谊和结盟。在很大程度上，这种不顾协约和国际信誉的暴行，是德军在挪威、丹麦、荷兰、比利时等国的暴行，以及希特勒的同党及走狗墨索里尼在希腊对其行为忠实模仿的重演。对于这一切，我都没有什么诧异。事实上，我曾清楚明确地警告过斯大林将要发生的事情。我提醒他，就像我提醒别的国家一样。我只能期望这些警告没有完全落空。现在我们所知道的是俄国人民正在为保卫祖国而战，他们的领袖正在号召他们全力抵抗外来侵略。

……

因此，俄国的危险就是我们的危险，就是美国的危险；为保卫家园而战的俄国人民的事业，就是世界各地自由人民和自由民族的事业。

让我们从如此残酷的经历中吸取教训吧！趁生命和力量尚存之际，让我们加倍努力，团结奋战吧！